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Acompañando a defensores de derechos humanos
Sharing the struggle for human rights in Mexico

(Spanish and English; inglés y español)
La campaña mexicana contra organizaciones y activistas internacionalistas por derechos humanos, y la respuesta; Mexico's campaign against international human rights organizations and activists, and the response.



Updated May 23, 1999
Luchando por derechos humanos;
Struggling for human rights

Report: Mexican government violates its own laws
Informe: El gobierno viola las leyes mexicanas
Tom Hansen loses round in Mexican courtroom
Strategic Pastoral Action delegation harassed in Chiapas
Global Exchange responds to Mexican accusations

PAGINA DE OTRAS ACCIONES XENOFOBICAS
PAGE OF OTHER XENOFOBIC ACTIONS

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Anna Brown and Eileen Robertson-Rehberg at Acteal: Both interrogated by Mexican immigration, one barred for two years.

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"FOREIGNERS OF CONSCIENCE" REPORT ISSUED

GOVERNMENT VIOLATING MEXICAN LAWS WITH EXPULSION OF INTERNATIONAL OBSERVERS

Originally published in Spanish by Enlace Civil A.C.
enlacecivil@laneta.pac.org
Translated by irlandesa

By Jesus Ramirez Cuevas

The systematic campaign by the Mexican government against international human rights observers violates Mexican laws, infringes on the right to free association and undermines the law. So concludes the report, Foreigners of Conscience, published by Global Exchange and the Miguel Agustín Pro Human Rights Center, the Mexican Commission for the Defense and Promotion of Human Rights and the National Network of Human Rights Civil Organizations, "All Rights for All."

Three hundred foreigners have been sanctioned or expelled from the country over the last five years. According to reports from NGO's, "almost all the expulsions were in violation of the Mexican political Constitution itself." "One of the most serious problems is that all these human rights violations of the observers have gone completely unpunished."

This report will be presented simultaneously on May 18 in Mexico City and in Washington, where United states activists will deliver it to a group of congresspersons from that country. "This immigration policy that harasses international work is illegal under Mexican laws, and it contravenes international treaties and conventions signed by Mexico."

Just last year, 144 observers and humanitarian aid workers of various nationalities were forced to leave the Mexican Republic for having visited Chiapas. In addition, 100 foreigners were "invited" to "voluntarily" leave the nation by the National Immigration service (INM). These incidents were expulsions disguised with an Official Departure Letter (with a deadline of five days to leave the country), issued by immigration authorities after giving citations to foreigners who cross the checkpoints at the entrances to the Selva, Los Altos or the Northern region of the state.

"The federal Executive has abused its authority in order to hide the truth in Chiapas." "The Mexican government has tried to maintain its image as a promoter of human rights, despite the fact that the evidence demonstrates the opposite, by expelling dozens of international witnesses in Chiapas," says Global Exchange, an organization that has promoted human rights observation in the indigenous communities of Chiapas since 1994.

The report, Foreigners of Conscience, is based on an exhaustive investigation into the facts, and a thorough legal analysis, that was drawn up by Adriana Camarena of Stanford University in California, and by Federico Anaya Gallardo, a legal advisor to the Diocese of San Cristóbal de Las Casas and expert in immigration law.

The government is violating its own laws, citing Article 33 of the Mexican Constitution, that authorizes the Executive to expel citizens from other countries "who threaten national security," since Article 16 of the constitution guarantees, at the same time, the right of foreigners to know the reasons for which they are being expelled and to receive a fair hearing. "The expulsions have been carried out in an arbitrary and hasty manner, and those affected have not been afforded any rights."

"If President Zedillo's administration," - the report recommends - "wants to correctly enforce Article 33 of the Constitution and the General Residence Law, it should state its legal arguments in order to demonstrate that the conduct of the international observers is an intervention in Mexican politics," the lawyers warn.

According to Global Exchange, "Mexican citizens and organizations have invited international observers to help them in the delicate task of protecting the indigenous communities who have suffered harassment at the hands of military, police and paramilitary forces. This campaign against observers not only violates the right of observers to fair process, but it also violates the rights of Mexicans to freedom of association, since the government does not have any right to decide with whom citizens may associate."

"Foreigners essentially enjoy the same freedom and rights as Mexican citizens. Nonetheless, the Mexican government has refused to respect these rights, interpreting these very laws for their own political convenience," the lawyers conclude. "It is contradictory that the government grants permits for electoral observers and refuses to allow the entrance of international human rights observers."

Some of the hundreds of foreigners expelled from Mexico have begun legal processes against the Mexican government. According to the report, "the Mexican judicial branch has begun to render a series of decisions in favor of international human rights observers who had been expelled, thus demonstrating the clear unconstitutionality of their immigration policies."

The NGO investigators hold that there are other illegal acts that can be added to those, such as the change in immigration policies without congressional approval. For the last year, international observers have had to meet new requirements demanded by the INM: request their visa 30 days ahead and state what places and persons they will be visiting. Lastly, if the permit is granted, the Department of Government will only allow a 10 day maximum time period for the visit.

In response to the panorama described in the report, the NGO's made several recommendations to the Congress of the Union in order to repeal the President of the Republic's ability to expel foreigners. This would change the General Residence Law so that citizens from other nations could carry out humanitarian observation in the country "without unjustified restrictions," and to establish sanctions for those officials who "deny, obstruct or restrict access to the country" to the observers.

The report includes other recommendations for the federal Executive branch, the INM, the Department of National Defense, the Supreme Court of Justice of the nation, and to international organizations such as the UN Human Rights Commission, the Inter-American Human Rights Commission and Court, the countries of the European Union and national and international non-governmental organizations.

Persecution of Foreigners Increased Following the Acteal Massacre

Since the armed uprising in 1994, Mexico and the world have been able to see the human rights violations in Chiapas. Hundreds of observers and humanitarian aid workers began arriving in the state from then on.

The international presence increased in Chiapas following the military offensive against the zapatistas in 1995. The Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas Human Rights Center and other organizations of civil society organized the Civilian Peace Camps (CCP) at the request of the communities affected by the militarization. The purpose of these camps, made up of Mexican and foreign activists, has been two-fold: to discourage aggression by the Mexican army and the paramilitary groups towards the indigenous communities and to report human rights violations.

The aggression against foreigners of conscience increased dramatically following the Acteal massacre of 1997, when 45 indigenous were assassinated by paramilitaries. In 1998 the international presence became embroiled in controversy, with the expulsion of hundreds of international observers.

The "Foreigners of Conscience" investigation makes a detailed recounting of hostile acts against foreign visitors. Here one can find President Zedillo's statement in the Yucatan (January 23, 1998): "It is inadmissible for there to be people who violate our laws and who are directly involved in the chiapaneco conflict, even though they use humanitarian reasons for doing so."

In February of this year, 200 observers from the "Civil Mission for Human Rights Observation in Europe and Latin America" arrived. The government unleashed a harassment campaign against them in San Cristóbal de Las Casas. ""Immigration agents were chasing tourists through the streets and visiting the houses where they were staying (February 17, 1998, letter signed by 17 national and international NGO's)."

On April 12, 1998, two AP (Associated Press) photographers were beaten up by the police at the Tuxtla Gutiérrez airport, on the orders of immigration police, while they were taking pictures of 12 foreigners deported following the military operation in Taniperlas, municipality of Ocosingo.

At that time, Pierre Sane, Secretary General of Amnesty International explained in an interview: "Arresting and expelling foreigners indicates an inward tendency in Mexico. A tendency can be observed to arrange the Chiapas problem behind closed doors, and that is dangerous, because they want to eliminate international witnesses. That means that the government has bad intentions. (2/21/98)."

The detention and expulsion of international observers during the first six months of 1998 occurred at the same time as a campaign by the Department of Government to undermine the credibility of those actors seeking a peaceful solution to the conflict. On June 7, Samuel Ruiz resigned his role as mediator, and the Conai was dissolved. In April, the Department of Government had begun an investigation into the Diocese of San Cristóbal and its Human Rights Center for having issued credentials to international observers.

Taking advantage of this hostile climate, the government and the federal army have created restricted areas for international observation in the North, Los Altos and the Selva, in places like Taniperla, Los Platanos and Tila. It is no coincidence that these are also the places where there is the most paramilitary activity, threatening zapatista communities.

The Vision of the Indigenous Communities

The perspective of the affected communities was compiled by Global Exchange in their report. Luciano, spokesperson for the San Pedro Chenalho Autonomous Municipality, explained: "I read in the papers that Zedillo and Labastida Ochoa said the foreigners come to organize and manipulate the indigenous. It's not true. We invited the foreigners so that they could observe and verify that we weren't lying about what the government is doing, that they (the security forces and the paramilitaries) are surrounding us, threatening to kill us."

A spokesperson for Las Abejas of Acteal agreed: "The government is always looking for excuses in order to say that the foreigners are manipulating us. That's not true, we have our own minds. We're not the puppets of foreigners, we have the right to organize ourselves. We know how to govern ourselves as indigenous, with our own culture."

"The result of the foreign presence," Luciano points out, "is that the low intensity war has lessened." While Las Abejas note, for their part, that "the soldiers aren't going into the displaced camps anymore, because the observers are there." On the other hand, a representative from Aric-Independent, of the Ricardo Flores Magon Autonomous Municipality, reported that "after the expulsion of the observers from Taniperla, there has been increased harassment by the Public Security police, by the federal soldiers and by the paramilitaries.

Relevant Examples of Expulsion of Foreigners in 1998:

In 1998, the government expelled more than 100 foreigners, enforcing Article 33. The Mexican government's hostility towards international monitors is not owing to the political nature of their activities, but rather to the fact that information on human rights violations could have a profound effect on other countries' policies towards Mexico.

The Taniperla 12.

On April 11, 1998, hundreds of federal army soldiers, state police and immigration agents violently broke into Taniperla, located in the municipality of Ocosingo. The 12 international observers were detained without arrest warrants and expelled, despite the fact that their immigration documents were in order. Months later, the 12 observers sought a protection order against their expulsion. In February 1999, a district judge ruled in their favor. The government did not document the reasons for their enforcement of Article 33. A Circuit Court is reviewing the appeals by the government and by those affected.

Peter Brown

On July 24, 1998, Peter Brown, professor and North American citizen, was expelled from Mexico. Brown was working on a project in the communities of Los Altos in Chiapas, helping in the construction of a school. The humanitarian activist was detained by immigration agents at a military checkpoint in San Andres Larráinzar, taken to Mexico City and expelled the following day.

The Italian delegation.

In May 1998, 120 Italian citizens were expelled from Mexico. They had arrived in Mexico in order to monitor human rights violations in Chiapas. Their immigration documents prohibited them from visiting three places: La Realidad, Polhó and Oventic. The Italians decided to visit Taniperla despite the prohibition the INM had delivered at the last moment. Forty of them have been forbidden from returning to Mexico permanently. Article 33 was enforced against them, despite the fact that their stay was regulated by the General Residence Law.

Some of the Italians filed a legal complaint against the expulsion. In the fall of 1998, a district judge granted them federal protection. The Mexican government appealed the decision, and the Circuit Court is currently reviewing the case.

The cases of Peter Brown, the Taniperla 12 and the Italians, demonstrate how the government has justified the expulsion of foreigners. All the activities carried out by those expelled have been acts of humanitarian support to the indigenous communities who regularly suffer the violation of their human rights. The protection orders initiated by foreign priests, international observers and humanitarian workers expelled from Chiapas are the first precedents, and they could become a legal milestone for this issue.

The case of Michel Chanteau.

On February 26, 1998, parish priest Michel Chanteau was expelled. He had been a priest for more than 32 years in Chenalhó, the municipality where the Acteal massacre had occurred two months previously. Father Chanteau was deported by the INM, who enforced Chapter 10 of the General Residence Law, because he had made statements on television accusing the Mexican government of being responsible for the massacre of 45 indigenous in Acteal. The government said that only Mexicans could make statements on television. His case is being reviewed by the Supreme Court at this moment.

The case of Tom Hansen.

On January 18, 1998 North American citizen Tom Hansen was detained by immigration agents. Hansen had participated in more than 30 humanitarian delegations to Chiapas since 1994, with the authorization of the Mexican government. The following day he was expelled from the country, from the Mexico City international airport. During his transfer from Chiapas to Mexico City, Hansen was threatened with death. Tom Hansen's lawyers filed a protection order against the expulsion, and they received a favorable decision in July 1998, but the INM appealed the decision. The Second Circuit Court of Legal Matters is currently reviewing the appeal of the order.

The Case of the Three Detained Norwegians.

Three Norwegian tourists were arbitrarily detained by judicial and state police on the night of April 14, 1998, while they were visiting the "10 de Abril" community. The police agents photographed the Norwegians next to a placard that said: "Stop the militarization - civil camp for peace - zapatista rebel territory." The following day they were thrown out of the country. Regarding these three cases, the INM has stated publicly that the foreigners had violated their visas by participating in political activities exclusively for Mexicans. The INM enforces immigration laws that have no connection with Article 33. Immigration authorities do not have the same powers of expulsion that the President of the Republic has.

Father Michel Chanteau's case is the first to reach the Supreme Court using this argument. If Chanteau's case wins in the final decision by the highest court in the country, a precedent would be established that could end the arbitrary exercise of power granted to the INM.

Globalizing the Conflict

At the same time as capital has been globalized, a stronger international interest in human rights has emerged. The trade agreement that Mexico is negotiating with the European Union includes a clause on human rights and democracy that sets the regulations and the humanitarian standards expected of the trading members.

On January 1, 1994, when NAFTA went into effect, the EZLN appeared in public. The reports of human rights violations reached all citizens of conscience throughout the globe. The use of the Internet amplified the voice of the zapatistas throughout the world.

Responding to the call by Mexican civil society, and by the threatened indigenous communities, international observers from foreign NGO's helped to establish a permanent international presence in the threatened towns.

One of them, SIPAZ (International Service for Peace) has been in Chiapas since 1995. "International accompaniment in conflict situations is not unique to Chiapas. There is a long tradition of monitoring human rights in countries such as Guatemala, El Salvador, Sri Lanka, Colombia and Haiti, to mention the most widely known ones."

International observation is "literally a personification of the international concern for human rights. Someone who gives obligatory and visible form, a reminder that violence should not go unnoticed (description of the "International Peace Brigades")."

The government brands as "political interference" or "foreign intervention in domestic matters," these activities that are backed by international conventions and statements that the Mexican government has itself signed, such as the American Human Rights Convention and the International Convention on Political and Civil Rights.

"International conventions are based on the shared belief that respect for human rights is not an exclusively domestic issue. Therefore, the international community has the right to verify whether or not the human rights of peoples in other countries are being respected (Ricardo Carvajal, Director of Sipaz, International Service for Peace).

Jose Saramago, during his visit to Chiapas in March 1998, noted: "The true international community cannot be that which is the result of accords by the states. The true one will be that which we achieve with our dialogues, with our meetings."

NUEVO AMANECER PRESS-PRENSA NUEVO AMANECER-N.A.P.
To know us visit our web page in Spanish in Mexico at:
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INFORME EXTRANJEROS DE CONCIENCIA

Comunicado por Enlace Civil

EL GOBIERNO VIOLA LAS LEYES MEXICANAS CON LA EXPULSION DE OBSERVADORES INTERNACIONALES

Jesús Ramírez Cuevas

La campaña sistemática del gobierno mexicano contra los observadores internacionales de derechos humanos viola las leyes mexicanas, infringe la libertad de asociación de los ciudadanos mexicanos y socava el derecho, concluye el informe Extranjeros de Conciencia publicado por Global Exchange y por el Centro de Derechos Humanos Miguel Agustín Pro, la Comisión Mexicana para la Defensa y Promoción de los Derechos Humanos, y la Red Nacional de Organismos Civiles de Derechos Humanos "Todos los Derechos para Todos".

En los últimos cinco años han sido sancionados o expulsados del país unos 300 extranjeros. Según el informe de las ONG's "casi todas esas expulsiones fueron violatorias de la misma Constitución política mexicana". "Uno de los problemas más graves es que todas estas violaciones a los derechos humanos de los observadores se mantienen en la absoluta impunidad".

Este informe será presentado el 18 de mayo simultáneamente en la Ciudad de México y en Washington, donde activistas de Estados Unidos lo entregarán a un grupo de congresistas de ese país. "Esta política migratoria que hostiga la labor internacionalista es ilegal bajo las leyes mexicanas y contravienen los tratados y convenios internacionales signados por México".

Tan sólo el año pasado fueron obligados a salir de la República mexicana por visitar Chiapas, 144 observadores y trabajadores de ayuda humanitaria de distintas nacionalidades. Ademas, otros 100 extranjeros fueron "invitados" a abandonar la nación "voluntariamente" por el Instituto Nacional de Migración (INM). Estos casos son expulsiones disfrazadas con un Oficio de Salida. (con un plazo de hasta cinco días para salir del país) expedido por las autoridades migratorias tras extender citatorios a los extranjeros que cruzan los retenes a la entrada de la selva, en los Altos o en el norte del estado.

"El Ejecutivo federal ha abusado de su autoridad para esconder la verdad en Chiapas". "El gobierno mexicano ha intentado mantener su imagen como promotor de derechos humanos, no obstante que las evidencias demuestran lo contrario, al expulsar a docenas de testigos internacionales en Chiapas", asegura Global Exchange, organización que promueve desde 1994 la observación de los derechos humanos en las comunidades indígenas de Chiapas.

El informe Extranjeros de Conciencia está basado en una investigación exhaustiva de los hechos y un análisis legal minucioso que fue elaborado por Adriana Camarena de la Universidad de Stanford, California, y Federico Anaya Gallardo, asesor jurídico de la Diócesis de San Cristóbal de las Casas y experto en ley migratoria.

El gobierno viola sus propias leyes citando el artículo 33 de la Constitución Mexicana, que faculta al Ejecutivo a expulsar a ciudadanos de otros países "que amenazan la seguridad nacional", ya que el artículo 16 constitucional garantiza, al mismo tiempo, el derecho de los extranjeros a conocer las razones por las que son expulsados y a tener un juicio justo. "Las expulsiones se han hecho de forma arbitraria y apresurada y no se concede ningún derecho a los afectados".

"Si la administración del presidente Zedillo -recomienda el informe- quiere aplicar correctamente el artículo 33 constitucional y la Ley General de Población debe declarar sus argumentos legales para demostrar que la conducta de los observadores internacionales es una intervención en la política mexicana", advierten los abogados.

Según Global Exchange, "ciudadanos y organizaciones mexicanas han invitado observadores internacionales para ayudarles en la tarea delicada de proteger a las comunidades indígenas que han sufrido hostigamiento a manos de las fuerzas militares, policiacas y paramilitares. Esta campaña contra los observadores no solamente viola la garantía de los extranjeros a proceso justo, sino también viola el derecho de los mexicanos a la libertad de asociación, debido a que el gobierno no tiene ningún derecho a decidir con quien se pueden reunir los ciudadanos".

"Los extranjeros gozan virtualmente de la misma libertad y derechos de los ciudadanos mexicanos. Sin embargo, el gobierno mexicano se ha negado a respetar estos derechos, interpretando las mismas leyes para su propia conveniencia política", concluyen los abogados. "Es una contradicción que el gobierno otorgue permisos para obervadores electorales y se niegue a permitir la entrada de observadores internacionales de derechos humanos".

Una parte de los cientos de extranjeros expulsados de México han iniciado procesos legales contra el gobierno mexicano. De acuerdo con el informe, "el poder Judicial mexicano ha empezado a resolver una serie de fallos en favor de los observadores internacionales de derechos humanos que fueron expulsados, demostrando así, la clara inconstitucionalidad de sus políticas migratorias".

Los investigadores de las ONG's sostienen que a estas ilegalidades, el gobierno suma otras, como el cambio en los reglamentos migratorios sin aprobación del Congreso. Desde hace un año, los observadores internacionales tienen que cubrir los nuevos requisitos que les exige el INM: solicitar su visa con 30 días de anticipación, informar de los lugares y personas que va a visitar. Por último, si concede el permiso, la Secretaría de Gobernación sólo lo otorga por 10 días como máximo.

Ante el panorama descrito en el informe, las ONG's hicieron varias recomendaciones al Congreso de la Unión para que derogue la facultad de expulsar extranjeros que tiene el presidente de la República, que reforme la Ley General de Población para que los cuidadanos de otras naciones puedan realizar labores de observación humanitaria en el país "sin restricciones injustificadas", y establecer sanciones a los funcionarios que "niegan, obstruyen o retrasan el acceso al país" a los observadores.

El informe incluye otras recomendaciones al poder Ejecutivo federal, al INM, a la CNDH, a la Secretaría de la Defensa Nacional, a la Suprema Corte de Justicia de la Nación y a organismos internacionales como la Comisión de Derechos Humanos de la ONU, la Comisión y la Corte Interamericanas de

Derechos Humanos, los países de la Unión Europea y las organizaciones no gubernamentales nacional e internacionales de derechos humanos.

La persecución a extranjeros aumentó después de la matanza de Acteal

Desde el levantamiento armado de 1994, las violaciones a los derechos humanos en Chiapas se hicieron visibles para México y el mundo. Cientos de observadores y trabajadores de ayuda humanitaria arribaron al estado desde ese momento.

Tras la ofensiva militar contra los zapatistas en febrero de 1995, aumentó la presencia internacional en Chiapas. El Centro de Derechos Humanos Fray Bartolomé de las Casas y otros organismos de la sociedad civil, organizaron los Campamentos Civiles por la Paz (CCP) a petición de las comunidades afectadas por la militarización. El propósito de estos campamentos, integrados por activistas mexicanos y extranjeros, ha sido doble: desalentar la agresión de elementos del Ejército mexicano y de los grupos paramilitares hacia las comunidades indígenas y reportar las violaciones a los derechos humanos.

La agresión contra los extranjeros de conciencia aumentó dramáticamente después de la matanza de Acteal en diciembre de 1997, cuando fueron asesinados 45 indígenas por grupos paramilitares. En 1998 la presencia internacional en Chiapas polémica con la expulsión de cientos de observadores internacionales.

La investigación "Extranjeros de Conciencia" hace un recuento detallado de los actos hostiles contra visitantes extranjeros. Ahí se registra el discurso del presidente Zedillo en Yucatán (23 de enero de 1998): "es inadmisible que haya gente que violen nuestras leyes y que esté directamente involucrada en el conflicto chiapaneco, aunque se usen razones humanitarias para lograrlo".

En febrero de ese año hicieron su arribo 200 observadores de la "Misión Civil de Observación de Derechos Humanos en Europa y Latinoamérica". El gobierno desató una campaña de hostigamiento hacia los extranjeros en San Cristóbal de las Casas. "Agentes de migración por las calles persiguen turistas y visitan domicilios donde se hospedan" (17 de febrero 1998, carta firmada por 17 ONG's locales y nacionales).

El 12 de abril de 1998, en el aeropuerto de Tuxtla Gutiérrez, dos fotógrafos de las agencias AP (Associated Press), Pascual Gorriz y de la AFP (Agence France Press) Oriana Elicabe, fueron golpeados por la policía bajo las órdenes de autoridades de migración mientras tomaban fotos de 12 extranjeros deportados tras un operativo militar en Taniperla, municipio de Ocosingo.

Esos días, Pierre Sané, Secretario General de la Amnistía Internacional explicó en una entrevista: "arrestar y expulsar a los observadores internacionales significa que hay una tendencia hacia el encierro en México. Se observa una tendencia a arreglar el problema de Chiapas a puerta cerrada, y eso es peligroso porque se quieren eliminar a los testigos internacionales. Eso quiere decir que el gobierno tiene malas intenciones" (21.02.98).

La detención y expulsión de observadores internacionales durante los primeros seis meses de 1998, ocurrió paralelamente con una campaña de la Secretaría de gobernación para minar la credibilidad de los actores que

buscan una solución pacífica al conflicto. El 7 de junio, Samuel Ruíz renuncia a su papel de mediador y se disuelve la Conai. En abril la Secretaría de Gobernación había iniciado una investigación contra la Diócesis de San Cristóbal y su Centro de Derechos Humanos por haber emitido credenciales a observadores internacionales.

Aprovechando este clima de hostilidad, el gobierno y el Ejército federal han creado áreas restringidas para la observación internacional en el norte, Altos y la Selva en lugares como Taniperla, Los Plátanos y Tila. No es coincidencia que estos sitios son también donde mayor actividad tienen los grupos paramilitares para amenazar a las comunidades zapatistas.

La visión de las comunidades indígenas

La perspectiva de las comunidades afectadas fue recogida por Global Exchange en su informe. Luciano, vocero del municipio autónomo San Pedro Chenalhó, explicó: "leí en los diarios que Zedillo y Labastida Ochoa dijeron que los extranjeros vienen a organizar y manipular a los indígenas. No es cierto. Invitamos a los extranjeros para que pudieran observar y testificar que no mentimos sobre lo que está haciendo el gobierno, de que ellos (las fuerzas de seguridad y los paramilitares) nos están rodeando amenazándonos con matarnos".

Un vocero de Las Abejas de Acteal coincidió: "El gobierno siempre está buscando pretextos para decir que los extranjeros nos están manipulando. Eso no es cierto, tenemos nuestras propias mentes. No somos títeres de extranjeros, tenemos derechos a organizarnos nosotros mismos. Sabemos cómo gobernarnos como indígenas con nuestra propia cultura".

"El resultado de la presencia extranjera -apuntó Luciano- es que la guerra de baja intensidad ha disminuido". En tanto que Las Abejas señalan, por su parte, que "los soldados ya no están entrando a los campamentos de desplazados porque hay presencia de observadores". En sentido contrario, un representante de ARIC-independiente, del municipio autónomo Ricardo Flores Magón, informó que "después de la expulsión de los observadores de Taniperla, los hostigamientos de la policía de Seguridad Pública, de los soldados federales y de los paramilitares ha ido en aumento".

RECUADRO

Casos relevantes de expulsiones de extranjeros en 1998:

En 1998 el gobierno expulsó a más de 100 extranjeros aplicando el artículo 33. La hostilidad del gobierno mexicano hacia los monitores internacionales no es debido al contenido político de sus actividades, sino al hecho que la información sobre las violaciones de derechos humanos, puede tener un efecto profundo en las políticas de otros países hacia México.

Los 12 de Taniperla.El 11 de abril de 1998, cientos de soldados del Ejército federal, policías estatales y agentes de migración, irrumpieron violentamente en Taniperla, localizada en el municipio de Ocosingo. Los 12 observadores internacionales fueron detenidos sin orden de aprehensión y expulsados a pesar de que sus documentos migratorios estaban en orden. Meses más tarde, los 12 observadores promovieron una demanda de amparo contra su expulsión. En febrero de 1999, una juez de Distrito dictó sentencia favorable a ellos. El gobierno no documentó los motivos de la aplicación del artículo 33. Un tribunal de Circuito está analizando las apelaciones del gobierno y de los afectados.

Peter Brown..El 24 de julio de 1998, Peter Brown, profesor y ciudadano norteamericano, fue expulsado de México. Brown trabajaba en un proyecto en las comunidades de los Altos de Chiapas ayudando a la construcción de una escuela. El activista humanitario fue detenido por agentes de migración en un retén militar en San Andrés Larráinzar, trasladado a la Ciudad de México y expulsado al día siguiente.

La delegación italiana. En mayo de 1998, 120 ciudadanos italianos fueron expulsados de México. Habían llegado a México para monitorear las violaciones a los derechos humanos en Chiapas. En sus documentos migratorios se restringía su visita a tres lugares: La Realidad, Polhó y Oventic. Los italianos decidieron visitar Taniperla pese a la prohibición del INM entregada de último momento. El gobierno lo consideró una afrenta y expulsó a los 120 observadores. A 40 de ellos les fue prohibido regresar a México definitivamente. Se les aplicó el artículo 33 pese a que su estancia estaba regulada por la Ley General de Población.

Una parte de los italianos presentaron una demanda judicial contra la expulsión. El otoño de 1998, un juez de distrito les otorgó protección federal. El gobierno mexicano apeló la sentencia y el Tribunal Colegiado de Circuito está analizando el caso actualmente.

Los casos de Peter Brown, de los 12 de Taniperla y de los italianos demuestran el modo en el que el gobierno ha justificado las expulsiones de extranjeros. Todas las actividades realizadas por los expulsados han sido actos de apoyo humanitario a los comunidades indígenas que sufren regularmente violaciones a sus derechos humanos. Los juicios de amparo iniciados por sacerdotes extranjeros, observadores internacionales y trabajadores humanitarios expulsados de Chiapas, son los primeros precedentes y podrían convertirse en un parteaguas jurídico sobre el tema.

El caso de Miguel Chanteau. El 26 de febrero de 1998 fue expulsado el párroco Michel Chanteau, sacerdote durante 32 años en Chenalhó, municipio donde ocurrió la matanza de Acteal dos meses antes. El padre Chanteau fue deportado por el INM que le aplicó el capítulo 10 de la Ley General de Población porque había hecho declaraciones a la televisión acusando al gobierno mexicano de ser responsable en la masacre de 45 indígenas en Acteal. El gobierno dijo que sólo los mexicanos podían hacer declaraciones a los medios de comunicación. Su caso es revisado en este momento por la Suprema Corte de Justicia.

El caso de Tom Hansen. El 18 de enero de 1998 fue detenido por agentes de migración, el ciudadano norteamericano Tom Hansen, quien ha participado en más de 30 delegaciones humanitarias en Chiapas desde 1994, contando para ello con la autorización del gobierno mexicano. Al día siguiente fue expulsado del país por el aeropuerto internacional de la Ciudad de México. Durante su traslado de Chiapas al DF, Hansen fue amenazado de muerte. Los abogados de Tom Hansen presentaron un juicio de amparo contra la expulsión y obtuvieron una sentencia favorable en julio de 1998, pero el INM apeló la sentencia. La revisión del amparo la analiza actualmente el Segundo Tribunal Colegiado de Circuito en materia Penal en el DF.

El caso de tres noruegos detenidos. La noche del 14 de abril de 1998, fueron detenidos arbitrariamente por policías judiciales y estatales tres turistas noruegos mientras visitaban la comunidad "10 de abril". Los agentes policiacos tomaron fotografias de los noruegos junto a un cartel que decía: "Alto a la militarización -cmapamento civil por la paz- territorio rebelde zapatista". Al día siguiente fueron sacados del país. En los tres casos, el INM ha declarado públicamente que los extranjeros han violado su estatus migratorio por haber participado en actividades políticas exclusivas de los mexicanos. El INM aplican las leyes de migración que no tienen conexión con el artículo 33. Las autoridades migratorias no tienen los mismos poderes de expulsión que tiene el presidente de la República.

El juicio del padre Michel Chanteau es el primero en llegar a la Suprema Corte utilizando este argumento. Si el caso de Chanteau prevalece en la decisión final del máximo tribunal del país, se establecerá un precedente que podría poner fin al uso arbitrario de la autoridad concedida al INM.

Globalizando el conflicto.

Al tiempo de la globalización de capitales, ha surgido un interés internacional más fuerte por los derechos humanos. El acuerdo comercial que México está negociando con la Unión Europea, incluye una cláusula sobre derechos humanos y democracia que fijan las normas y los patrones humanitarios esperados del socio comercial.

El primero de enero de 1994, el mismo día que entraba en vigor el TLC, el EZLN hizo su aparición pública. Los reportes de violaciones a los derechos humanos en Chiapas llegaron a todos los ciudadanos de conciencia de todo el orbe. El uso de Internet amplificó la voz de los zapatistas en el mundo.

Respondiendo al llamado de la sociedad civil mexicana y de las comunidades indígenas amenazadas, observadores internacionales de ONG's extranjeras, ayudaron al establecimiento de una presencia internacional permanente en las poblaciones amenazadas.

Una de ellas, SIPAZ (Servicio Internacional por la Paz) se ha mantenido desde el 95 en Chiapas. "El acompañamiento internacional en situaciones conflictivas no es único en Chiapas. Hay una larga tradición de monitoreo de los derechos humanos en países como Guatemala, El Salvador, Sri Lanka, Colombia y Haití por mencionar los más conocidos.

La observación internacional es "literalmente una personificación de la preocupación internacional sobre los derechos humanos. Alguien que de forma obligatoria y visible, recuerda que la violencia no debe pasar desapercibida" (descripción de las "Brigadas Internacionales de Paz").

El gobierno mexicano tacha de "interferencia política" e "intervención extranjera en asuntos internos" estas actividades que son respaldadas por los convenios y declaraciones internacionales que el mismo gobierno mexicano ha avalado, como la Convención Americana de los Derechos Humanos y la Convención internacional de Derechos Políticos y Civiles.

"Las convenciones internacionales son basadas en la creencia compartida de que el respeto a los derechos humanos no es un tema exclusivamente interno. Por lo tanto, la comunidad internacional tiene derecho de verificar si los Derechos Humanos de la gente están siendo respetados en otros países" (Ricardo Carvajal, director de Sipaz (Servicio Internacional para la Paz).

José Saramago, en su visita a Chiapas en marzo de 1998 señaló: "la verdadera comunidad internacional no puede ser lo que resultado de acuerdos de los Estados. La verdadera sería aquella que nosotros lográramos con nuestros diálogos, con nuestros encuentros".


Enlace Civil A.C. C/ Ignacio Allende 4,
29200 San Cristobal de las Casas, Chiapas, Mexico
tel y fax: 52- 967- 82104

http://www.enlacecivil.org.mx

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An Open Letter to Brothers and Sisters in Mexico

by Tom Hansen
National Coordinator, Mexico Solidarity Network
Tel: 773-583-7728 e-mail: msn@mexicosolidarity.org

The concept of justice requires (1) a clear set of understandable rules, (2) administrative bodies that make an effort to apply the rules fairly, and (3) an impartial system to adjudicate disagreements. President Ernesto Zedillo has repeatedly and eloquently called for the rule of law in Mexico. But it appears that rhetoric does not match reality.

On February 18, 1998, I was taken into custody by agents of the Office of Immigration. No warrant was issued for my arrest. I was held for 24 hours without access to a telephone or legal counsel. After 24 hours I was expelled from Mexico, for immigration laws that I had supposedly violated two years beforehand. Six months later, a federal judge in Mexico City found that the Office of Immigration violated the law in several ways. First, I was arrested without a warrant in direct violation of my rights under Mexican law. Second, I was expelled for the act of "observing." The judge found nowhere in Mexican law where it is illegal to "observe." (If observation is illegal, everyone who attends a movie or watches television would be a criminal.) In light of these findings, and others too numerous to list, the judge overturned my expulsion.

Immigration authorities responded by stating that "this ruling breaks with the custom of dealing with immigration matters administratively." In other words, it is not customary for immigration authorities to be held accountable to the law. Within several weeks, the Office of Immigration appealed the ruling. I have been waiting patiently since August for a final decision that would uphold the rule of law and allow me to return to a country that I have come to love as much as my own.

Unfortunately, it appears that my patient wait may have been in vain.

At the first hearing of my appeal in front of Magistrada Elvia Diaz de Leon, the judge decided, without reading the original decision or hearing any evidence, that my amparo should be overturned. She stated "I am not in agreement with this amparo that Judge Octavo issued, but I will study it and issue my ruling. This is a very delicate matter and the authorities are very interested." When news of this travesty reached me, it was like a swift dagger in the heart. For the first time since my expulsion, I was faced with the distinct possibility that I will never be able to return to beloved Mexico. I have a great deal of respect for Mexico and I have always abided strictly by the laws of this cherished land. I only wish that immigration authorities had the same respect for the law. Those authorities have violated all three principles of the rule of law, and this has implications for all the entire country.

Over two years ago I traveled to Mexico as an official international observer of the peace talks between the government and the Zapatistas. As an official observer, I was accredited by COCOPA, a government agency. During the accreditation process, government officials inspected my passport and visa, and found everything in order. Yet two years later I was charged with an activity (observation) that was inconsistent with my tourist visa. This violates the first principle of the rule of law, a clear set of understandable rules.

Immigration authorities who acted with total disregard for the laws of Mexico violated the second principle of the rule of law - administrative bodies must make an honest effort to apply the law evenhandedly and fairly.

The judge who is now hearing my case has violated the third principle of the rule of law. She has demonstrated in the starkest terms that she is not impartial. Under her jurisdiction, there is no possibility that I will receive a fair hearing. She stated so before my attorneys in unequivocal terms.

Do I have a right to expect more? As a "foreigner" do I have a right to expect that the rule of law will apply to me in Mexico? I think so.

I know that many of my brothers and sisters in Mexico have suffered far worse indignities than I have at the hands of authorities who have no respect for the law. This is true in Mexico as well as in my own country. One need look no further than the abuse heaped on Mexicans by US immigration authorities to know this truth. As a patriotic US citizen, it embarrasses and angers me beyond words when authorities in my country treat visitors without regard for the law, without respect, and often with total impunity. And I imagine that many of my Mexican brothers and sisters feel the same way about my treatment. In a country that is renowned for its hospitality, friendliness, good manners and high culture, this treatment of a foreign visitor is a stain on the character of the country.

But worse yet, it is an affront to the millions of law-abiding citizens of Mexico who play fair, who try to raise families with strong moral values, and who uphold a culture rooted strongly in the teachings of the Catholic Church. The trampling of one person’s legal rights in such an obvious and crass way is the trampling of everyone’s rights. Immigration authorities try to hide behind a facade of "nationalism." And now they are apparently trying to influence the judiciary. But the vast majority of people understand that disrespect for the rule of law is anything but nationalistic - it is a shame and an embarrassment. Mexico is a great country and it deserves a great system of justice.

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Strategic Pastoral Action delegation
detained several times in Mexico;
board member barred for two years

Strategic Pastoral Action's friendship delegation to Chiapas in December 1998 was stopped and questioned several times by Mexican military and immigration officials, with passports illegally taken and examined by military representatives, and two board members cited by Mexican immigration to explain their presence, one later barred from Mexico for two years.

One Strategic Pastoral Action board member — Eileen Robertson-Rehberg — was cited to appear at an immigration hearing as she traveled with the delegation to the Dec. 22, 1998 commemoration of the massacre of 45 Tzotzil Indians at Acteal. The delegation, by invitation, was accompanying a bus filled with Acteal refugees who fled after the massacre exactly one year earlier.

With the help of a Mexican human rights attorney, Robertson-Rehberg recuperated her seized tourist visa the day following a hearing that lasted four hours in immigration offices in San Cristóbal de las Casas.

Another Strategic Pastoral Action (SPAN) board member — Anna Jean Brown — was cited during a later journey and her visa seized as she passed for the fourth time through a checkpoint near Oventic Aguascalientes and San Andres Larráinzar and was ordered to appear at a hearing January 4, the date she returned to the United States. Because she was unable to appear, immigration officials barred her from Mexico for two years.

Brown had earlier traveled with the SPAN delegation through the checkpoint where her visa was later seized. She had opted also to travel with a later delegation organized by Global Exchange, and it was during Global Exchange's trip to Oventic Aguascalientes — a Zapatista safe zone — that Brown was cited by Mexican immigration officials at the checkpoint. She is now seeking legal means to reverse the action that barred her.

SPAN's delegation had twice passed through this checkpoint a week earlier as it traveled through the Chiapas zone of conflict in the region known as Los Altos, en route to and from a visit with friends in the communities of Simojovel and Huihuitipán and to celebrate Christmas in this region.

Mexican immigration and armed military representatives had detained the Strategic Pastoral Action friendship delegation passports at least seven times as it made the following visits during its Dec. 18-27 journey in Chiapas:

* As the delegation traveled to Ocosingo to witness a community report by municipal officials: Immigration authorities there -- with a Mexican federal elected deputy protesting the immigration action - - examined the delegation's passports and visas and recorded the delegation members' names.

* As it traveled to Acteal, accompanying refugees from the Dec. 22, 1997 massacre: During this journey, the delegation and the bus filled with refugees was detained three times, the U.S. citizens' visas and passports examined and names recorded.

* As it traveled to Simojovel to visit with parish members there and celebrate Christmas in this zone of conflict and increasing harrassment by paramilitary forces. Again visas and passports were taken and examined and names recorded.

By definition, a friendship delegation is one which seeks to renew and initiate friendships with persons who have invited the visitors to visit with them, to share in their concerns for their well-being, actions which are not prohibited under Mexican law or the provisions of a tourist visa, according to Mexican human rights advisers.

All the delegation's tours were through zones that are heavily militarized and populated with paramilitary forces that are reported to continue to act with impunity, piling up a record of murders, ambushes, thefts, displacements, terrorism and destruction

The Strategic Pastoral Action delegation, as it toured the region, was made aware of conditions that either contribute or detract from friends' well-being. Because the delegation was from the United States, it also could not help but observe the heavy presence of U.S. military armaments in the region, as well as in the hands of Mexican military personnel that detained the U.S. visitors.

Strategic Pastoral Action has coordinated five delegations to Chiapas since the uprising of the Zapatistas — the Ejército Zapatatista de Liberación Nacional (EZLN)— on January 1, 1994, their first visit in March of that year to human-rights organizations, clergy and refugee camps. The faith-based upstate New York project always works with faith-based organizations and churches in its visits to Latin American and the Caribbean and considers its mission from this perspective.

In the wake of the popular uprising by indigenous people in Chiapas, Mexican authorities have expelled foreign priests and more than 200 visitors to the region, many of those barred for life from entering the country. Human rights activists in Mexico and legal representatives say these expulsions are contrary to Mexico's constitution and a violation of the rights of visitors to Mexico.

Robertson-Rehberg is a social-policy analyst from Burdett, NY, studying for a Ph.D. at Cornell University. Brown is a professor of political science at St. Peter's College in Jersey City, N.J., and a member of the Kairos Community in New York City. Other delegation members included an anthropologist from Eugene Oregon; a computer specialist and popular education organizer from Cleveland, Ohio; a Red Cross physician and director from Michigan, and a philosopher-activist from upstate New York. .

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Objective of Global Exchange is to change the internal policy in the United States: Ted Lewis

UNCOMFORTABLE TOURISM IN CONFLICT AREAS

La Jornada, Wednesday, January 20, 1999, p.10

Blanche Petrich § The U.S. non-government organization Global Exchange has organized its reality tours in Mexico for five years. It was not until the last trip in December - number 25 - that the organization's objective "collided" with the new policies of the immigration authorities and provoked the expulsion of three of their tourists from the country.

"There is nothing illegal about our project. Obviously certain sectors of the government don't like us," commented Ted Lewis, director of the organization, in a telephone interview from San Francisco. "Maybe," he conjectured, "it was because in Washington, the Leahy Resolution is heating up again." The initiative, although it does not have the force of law, proposes that the Executive Branch pressure the Mexican government to offer solutions in the conflict zone. "I imagine that the mere mention of the resolution causes vibrations in Mexico."

Lewis believes that the public education that Global Exchange carries out in the United States about the situation in the Mexican conflict areas, in particular Chiapas, provokes uncomfortable questions in some politicized media about Washington's military policy towards Mexico, and questions actions such as the fact that since 1997 Mexican officials have been the largest group to receive training in the various Pentagon installations. (In 1998, 829 Mexican military personnel received some type of training in U.S. military schools, 305 of them at the School of the Americas.)

La Jornada: Is that why you are the "bad guys" for the National Immigration Institute now?

Ted Lewis: I can't imagine anything else. We have been organizing these tours in Mexico for five years now . We have brought approximately 500 people to Michoacan, Tabasco, Guerrero, Oaxaca, Hidalgo, and Baja California.

LJ: The criticism made about you is that you promote "revolutionary tourism"...

TL: And that we make money off of the people's pain. That is what they say. What we try to do is allow the common citizen of the United States get to know the other side of the reality of the people, an alternative to conventional tourism. It is said generally that the U.S. population knows very little about what happens outside their borders. Well, that is what we are trying to remedy. We direct ourselves towards particularly sensitive situations. During apartheid we brought a lot of people to South Africa. We have gone to Iraq, Cuba, Haiti. Our focus is to educate at the grassroots level about countries that suffer from the strong influence of the United States.

LJ: Why Mexico?

TL: We started with the subject of immigration, learning and disseminating information about the living conditions of Mexican immigrants on the border, in U.S. factories on both sides, in California [labor] camps, or the prisoners held illegally in U.S. prisons. Later we expanded our project to other regions.

LJ: Who do you appeal to?

TL: Business men and women, people of color, students and workers. The projects are non-profit. With the process of learning about Mexico we hope to generate a climate in the United Sates for changing the policies of our government.

LJ: So they do have political ends.

TL: Yes, regarding the internal policies of the United States, not abroad. It is our right and our goal.

LJ: What type of clientele is drawn by these tours?

TL: Anyone that is interested in Mexico. It could be someone that has been to Acapulco or Mazatlan once and was left very unsatisfied, suspecting that behind the tourist facade there is much more to see. Or an Internet surfer interested in Mexico. Our basic package costs 850 dollars, which includes the round-trip flight from Mexico City to Tuxtla Gutierrez, accommodation in inexpensive hotels, and bus rentals. Intensive working days are organized -- starting early in the morning -- and full of meetings, lectures, and many hours on the road. At night our tourists arrive to the hotel tired and impressed, with many questions and concerns. For a middle class citizen from cities in the U.S. it can be quite a shock, that contact with reality. But we can say that the general reaction is not one of pity. More than the misery, [our participants] are impressed by the dignity of the people, the richness of their community life, the refusal to be victims of poverty. The best part of the trip, for each of them, has been getting to know the incredible capacity of the Mexican people to overcome great difficulties.

LJ: Where did the problems come from? How did it arrive to the point where three of your tourists were expelled?

TL: We became worried in May when groups of human rights observers began to have problems in obtaining visas. I consulted with the Mexican consul in San Francisco, who at that time was Cesar Lajoud. We agreed to make clear the difference between observers on a Global Exchange mission and tourists. For the first we ask for observer visas, and for the second tourist visas. Later we learned that after the incident with the Italian observers, the consul was accused of being too friendly with Global Exchange.

This last New Year's trip was promoted by Internet. We had no problems obtaining the visas with the new consul in San Francisco, Carlos Tello. It was not until the newspaper Cuarto Poder, of Tuxtla, started a campaign against us, titled something like "800 dollars to get to know misery," that the government began to pound the Fray Bartolome de las Casas Human Rights Center for 'promoting revolutionary tourism' and things like that. There were threats that they would apply Article 33 against us if we organized a tour for the fifth anniversary of the Zapatista uprising.

Despite the climate, we continued to move forward with the plan, informing our tourists of the risks, advising them that it was possible that they would be detained and cited by Immigration. Of the 14 delegation members, 11 decided to go, and on the way back from Oventic a military check-point detained them. There they chose at random the names of two Americans and one Japanese citizen. The rest is a known story.

LJ: Will the project of Global Exchange continue?

TL: We think so. There is no reason to consider our tourism illegal.

-------------------------------------
Global Exchange
2017 Mission St., Rm. 303
San Francisco, CA 94110
Phone: 415.255.7296 Fax: 415.255.7498 http://www.globalexchange.org

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Masacre en Chiapas; Chiapas Massacre
July 1998 human rights journey to Mexico
News from Honduras human-rights journey
Strategic Pastoral Action Year in Review: 1998-99