On July 2, 1998, eighty-six members of the Tri-National Friendship Delegation arrived in San Cristobal de las Casas in Mexico’s southern-most state - Chiapas. The Mexico Solidarity Network, a coalition of 58 organizations from the United States and Canada, organized the delegation.
The delegation included ten Native Americans from the United States and Canada. Representatives from the religious community included a Catholic priest, two Sisters of St. Francis, the director of the Strategic Pastoral Action Network, and two members of the Michigan Faith and Resistance Peace Teams. Four Canadian delegates came from Montreal and British Columbia. Also included were two Professors from Northwestern University; a professor from the University of Witwatersrand in Johannesburg, South Africa; a professor from Princeton; a father-daughter-son team from Boulder, Colorado; a representative of Doctors for Global Health from Syracuse, NY; and a doctor from Berkeley, California. US delegates haled from 23 states, including AZ, CA, CO, CT, DC, IL, KY, LA, MA, MD, MI, MO, NC, NJ, NM, NY, OR, PA, SD, TX, VA and WI. The delegation spent one week in Chiapas.
Delegates visited 25 indigenous communities. The delegation divided into ten groups. The communities included Moises Gandhi, Colonia Virginia, Ejodio Morelia, San Pedro Guerrero, Jalisco, 10 de Abril, Nueva Esperanza, La Garrucha, Patihuitz, San Antonio de las Delicias, Palenque, Roberto Barrios, Nueva Merida, Nicolas Ruiz, Navil, Chilon, Bachajon, Taniperla, Simojovel, Santa Rosalina de Comitan, Albores de Zapata, Seis de Marzo, Chico Musuelo, and La Realidad. Delegates were able to visit each of the communities on their itinerary; however, after receiving threats from PRI affiliated villagers in Taniperla, delegates decided not to spend the night, as planned, in the community.
In addition, delegates visited the refugee camp where refugees from Agua Blanca live and Cerro Hueco, the state prison in Tuxtla Gutierrez. The delegation was not allowed access to Cerro Hueco. Prison officials stated that foreigners were not allowed in the prison, although three days previous a delegation of five US citizens led by Congressmen Gutirrez and Rush were able to visit the prison.
Each sub-delegation included at least one Mexican national and at least two fluent Spanish speakers. Each sub-delegation prepared a report on their visits, and the following is a compilation of that information. All of the reports are based on eyewitness testimony from members of the delegation or testimony taken from members of the communities.
The delegation abided strictly by Mexican immigration laws, paying particularly close attention to article 33 of the Mexican Constitution, which prohibits foreign involvement in Mexico’s internal politics. As a friendship delegation that traveled to various indigenous communities at their invitation, the delegates utilized tourist visas, which allow visitors to Mexico to participate in cultural and educational exchanges.
The delegation arrived in Chiapas at a time when the Mexican government was waging a campaign against foreigners in the region. Since February, about 60 foreign nationals have been expelled from Mexico, including six from the US, and the Mexican government has tightened restrictions on visitors who are involved in human rights or humanitarian aid work. Human rights observers are required to provide copies of previously published human rights reports and be members of recognized human rights organizations with a history of at least five years. Human rights observers must request special FM-3 visas to enter Mexico 60 days in advance of their trip and are allowed to spend only ten days in the country.
As of this writing, the Mexican Assembly of Deputies has not approved the use of FM-3 visas for human rights work. According to instructions published by Mexican Consulates throughout the US, the FM-3 visa is "a 365 days (sic) multiple entry visa for business or technical support." Nevertheless, the Mexican government demands that foreigners involved in human rights work apply for FM-3 visas. In recent months many established human rights workers have been denied visas including Ted Lewis of Global Exchange, Tom Hansen of the Mexico Solidarity Network and dozens more.
Expulsion of foreigners continues. Two weeks after the completion of the Tri-National Friendship Delegation, Mexican authorities deported US national Peter Brown, a 56-year-old schoolteacher from San Diego. He was expelled for helping to build a school in an indigenous community, an act that the Zedillo administration found in violation of the Mexican constitution.
A political geography locates the Chilon region in one of 3 zones in the eastern portion of the State of Chiapas. The 3 zones are:
A rough map of the zones and the identification of indigenous populations is illustrated below:
In the map above, the "zone of war" is in the general area northeast of the state. The "neutral zone" is located in the central east of the state and the "zone of conflict" is in the approximate area of the southeastern portion of the state.
Currently a population of 10,000 indigenous to the north of San Cristobal, and 2,000 indigenous to the south of the city are displaced. The refugee population, which is a direct result of "paramilitary" operations exacerbate the conditions of the drought that now exist throughout the state. Paramilitary groups are discussed below.
On the one hand, there are many displacements of indigenous people in the state of Chiapas. On the other hand, the indigenous have realized many gains since the Zapatista insurrection in 1994. Recent changes in land ownership and political power. In many ways, the neutral zone exhibits trends that indicate the later, that is, there have been significant changes in land ownership and political power. However, all of the economic and social factors combined with the shift in power create a tense "peace" in the neutral zone that is shattered by the recent activities of the paramilitary group in the Chilon region. Recently members of this group have been accused of unlawful activity such as murder.
The features of the map above illustrate the general areas of 3 zones in the eastern portion of the State of Chiapas. Chilon is in the area of the "neutral zone." The neutral zone is described as an area that does not harbor participants of the Zapatista insurrection, however, the zone is described as EZLN sympathetic. Other municipios with similar characteristics of changes in land ownership and political power are Pantelho, Simojovel, Situla, Ocasingo and Salto de Agua. These municipios are also located within the neutral zone.
The local economy that sustains the indigenous communities in the region surrounding Chilon is based on 3 commodities:
All 3 commodities are interrelated in the local economy and for the survival of the indigenous population. However, coffee is distinguished from maiz and frijoles due to the fact that coffee is predominately an export product whereas frijoles and maiz are for local consumption. Often, the local indigenous population relies on the coffee harvest for wages to purchase locally grown commodities for their personal consumption. In many cases, a subsistence crop sustains communities.
Two factors have affected the coffee harvest - drought and fires. In the Chilon area, these 2 factors have been significant enough to result in a poor coffee harvest for the 1998 season. Where fires have destroyed coffee plants, a coffee harvest will not be possible for years until coffee plants have been replaced and matured.
In addition to the poor coffee harvest, prices for coffee are down by approximately 40%. This price decrease is due to the fact that Mexico’s coffee prices are pegged to the international market. Major producers such as Brazil and Columbia determine the market prices. The overall consequences for the Chilon indigenous population is the decrease in the opportunity to earn wages from the coffee harvest for the purchase of indigenous foods such as maiz and frijoles. This factor is further complicated by the poor harvest of maiz and frijoles due to the drought. The availability of a local crop to sustain indigenous families in Chilon is also diminished by the poor harvest anticipated for the 1998 season. In this case, the indigenous population, which represents 95% of the total population, is facing the conditions for famine this year.
There are 2 additional factors in the economy of the Chilon area. They are: the household economy and the "ganodas" or cattle ranchers.
The household economy includes the chickens, handcrafts and other products produced in the household, predominately by the women. Household products of the indigenous in the Chilon area interact in the market economy as women sell household products in the marketplace. Presently, household production will be increasingly important as the effects of the poor harvests in the major 3 commodities are felt by the population. This is due to the simple fact that as the main sources for subsistence are diminished, household production will become increasingly important for the family livelihood.
Cattle ranchers in the Chilon area are also experiencing difficult times in the current drought conditions. The cattle ranchers’ problems are attributable to low beef weights and low beef prices. Although cattle is not a significant proportion of the total production of the area, cattle ranchers are a historically a powerful political force in the area. They are noted conservatives – that is, they are associated with the power of the federal government and the PRI political party.
The cause for the recent problems associated with the insurrection in the State of Chiapas in 1994 are attributed to the lack land reforms in Chiapas that were implemented in the rest of the nation. After the Mexican Revolution other states in the nation enacted land reforms for land rights to the poor. However, the State of Chiapas remained a state of "double oppression" for the indigenous population. The double oppression manifested itself in both social and ethnic dimensions. Due to the dynamics of double oppression, poor indigenous people, a large majority of the total Chiapas population, were excluded from title to land in the state. By 1960, almost 40 years after many land reforms had begun in other states, the population and land statistics for indigenous population in the region (municipio or county) of Chilon demonstrated the exclusion:
The present politics of low intensity war
Many factors, illustrated by environmental, social, economic and political, contribute to tensions in the Chilon area and other municipios in the neutral zone. These factors include:
- Loss of wages due to the poor coffee harvest and low prices on the international market.
- The decrease in the production of maiz and frijoles for local consumption due to the poor harvest conditions.
- Decreased profits for cattle ranchers due to low beef weight and prices.
- Higher dependence on the household economy for survival.
- Repressive conflicts due to increased indigenous land occupation.
To this list of factors that relate more specifically to the neutral zone, there are 3 factors that increase the general state of tension in the entire state of Chiapas. They are:
- An estimated 12,000 to 19,000 indigenous refugees in the surrounding area of San Cristobal de las Casas.
- An increase in paramilitary operations with associated human rights abuses including the murders of women, men and children indigenous civilians. This situation is directly related to the refugee problem as people are driven from their communities and are fearful of reprisals upon return.
- The increased militarization of all 3 zones. This includes the presence of 76,000 federal military troops in all 3 zone, in addition to a strong presence of judicial police and local paramilitary organizations.
The Mexican Federal Government cites the increased militarization of the zones as a solution to the problems in Chiapas. The federal government maintains that if the Army is evacuated from the state then "the people will kill each other. Indeed, tensions within communities have become problematic. However, the federal government is culpable in this situation of increased tension through the manipulation of politics and public resources in the neutral zone municipios and also in the zones of war and conflict.
This is most clearly realized in the 3 municipios in the neutral zone that have voted in the party that opposes the PRI. The PRI has prevailed in elections at both the municipio and federal level since the party was instituted as a result of the Mexican Revolution. Challenges to the party have failed, largely due to the PRI’s control over many aspects of the lives of the electorate. This includes PRI control over public goods such as resources for projects, or even such public goods as famine relief. Here, the federal government, controlled by the ruling PRI through President Zedillo, has engaged in the process of "re-municipalization" in order to retain control over the distribution of public resources and, in effect, the population. In the case of the municipios with town councils composed of members of the opposition party, the re-municipalization of the municipio requires that an additional PRI town council located in another city within the municipality be established as a seat of power. The remunicipalizition process sets up 2 town councils within 1 municipio in the case where the PRI is voted out of power. With a parallel government in place, the PRI at the federal level is assured of a local power base through which it can channel public resources. Effectively, public funds are diverted from the opposing party and the local PRI gets to distribute resources and therefore retains significant power within the local seat of government. This is a particularly critical strategy in a time when famine is likely to be a problem in the neutral zone. The PRI will be able to distribute relief as it sees fit. That is, the familiar system of patronage and rewards may well determine whether or not a family survives dependent upon the party affiliation. Therefore, with the current conditions of drought and potential food shortage, this is presently a question of how the federal government will manipulate hunger in the region for its own ends. But locally, this is merely a direct manifestation of political power and resource distribution. In other important way, the government has played upon social and ethnic divisions within communities in the neutral zone to establish a form of systemic violence within the local populations. This leads to a discussion on the cause of the recent proliferation of paramilitary groups.
The military in the neutral zone have trained and armed a "paramilitary" group. This group is associated with the local PRI party. Recently, the members of the Chilon paramilitary had been jailed for murder, however, they are now released back out into the community. This has been the cause of a great deal of tension, especially in Bachahon, a place where we were to meet with the local indigenous rights representatives. Apparently our arrival to Bajachon was anticipated by the "secret police." A member of the indigenous rights group came to Chilon to meet with us. Upon his arrival he announced that the "secret police" wanted to know where the strangers were.
The dynamics of training and arming "paramilitary groups" became clearer in a community in the area of the "zone of conflict." Although Chiapas is often characterized in a way that creates the image of a unified state with homogeneous characteristics, this is certainly not true. Different communities are at different levels of prosperity and modernity. This is due to many factors. These different characteristics of communities require the federal government to employ different strategies to put the communities in a state of conflict. An example can be found in the small village of Nicholas Ruiz, in the municipality of Tuxla-Guitterez and Navil.
The Zone of Conflict
Nicholas-Ruiz
In Nicholas-Ruiz, the community has enjoyed relative prosperity. The evidence can be found in the homes and the people. Grandparents in this community have the same short stature that many have in poorer regions. However, the second generation is notably healthier, taller in stature and by the third generation the children are quite tall, the obvious result of good nutrition that comes from prosperity. Even in poorer sections of this town of approximately 6,000, people appear to enjoy good health as a result good nutrition. The poorer sections of town appear to be buildings in an intermediate state of construction. These appear to be the newer neighborhoods, not the result of structural poverty.
In addition, throughout the community, roads are paved with cement. There does not appear to be one section of the community that has been excluded from the benefits of public projects.
Many homes have running water. Clothes and people are very clean. Throughout the hot humid days the women showered at least once during the day. They wrap their long wet hair around their heads and tie it in a knot at the top of their forehead.
Nicholas-Ruiz appears to have more traditional ideas of the division of work. Women and children are at home or school and men go off into their fields to tend crops, predominately maiz and frijoles. They seem to do some things cooperatively. For example, there are large trucks that are shared by the families for transportation to and from the fields. The crop in this community is abundant enough for the market. Probably the trucks are also used in a cooperative fashion to truck the crops to market. One aspect of this community is striking; the clothes the young women and girls wear are modern and stylish. In the home where we stayed there were 4 siblings. The oldest (18) made the clothes for the others.
Much of what can be observed in the community demonstrates the community’s version of their lives. Invariably people emphasized that they had a lot because they always worked together. This fact was emphasized by everyone because the community was now divided, a source of great pain and stress for everyone.
The major question to be addressed is how did a prosperous community now become divided? What are the issues? Initially, the major issue was political power. Formerly this small community had a ruling elite, exclusive members of the PRI. Such status conferred upon the group the control of government funds. Members of the enjoy privileged status throughout Mexico, including the privilege of controlling government money that comes to the community for projects that a single family could never possibly consider. In this case, the most significant project mentioned was the purchase of pumps. These pumps supplied the community with water, even at the time of out visit, which was a period of drought. It is quite probable that the pumps and the supply of water provided by them afforded this community the relative prosperity they enjoyed compared to other communities that were subjected to the conditions of drought.
The local PRI in Nicholas-Ruiz argued that the new local PRD, which was recently elected to power, had no concept of the community’s dependence on government money. According to members of the PRD, the PRI presented significant problems to the local governing powers and they were eventually banished from the community for their dissent. According to the PRD members, this was a matter of ejido law. If members of the ejido organization were disruptive and dissenting, then they had to agree to cooperate with the members of the council or were forced to leave the community. In this case, the PRI had another option – they called in the Federal Army and the State Police. This last option, which led to permanent encampment of military troops in the community, is an option that plays out in many communities throughout the zone of conflict.
In particular, Nicholas-Ruiz has 2 major political parties, the PRD, representing 600 families, and the PRI, representing 23 families. Nicholas-Ruiz has an economy based on agricultural products, such as maiz and frijoles. This engages the men of the community in the fields throughout much of the day. They grow enough to bring produce to local markets and enough to sustain the community, but in terms of significant wealth, there appears to be little more than to make modest, but adequate homes for families.
In addition to the lack of sources of significant wealth, the community is located in an isolated setting. We were required to travel over dirt roads for more than 1 hour. The community is approximately 3 hours from San Cristobal with only small communities enroute.
At the request of 23 families, truckloads of military and State police arrived. A permanent camp now exists next to the elementary school and a government health clinic. Our group of 9 persons from the United States and Canada were able to experience, first hand, the meaning of the presence of this force in the community.
Given the size of the community, the remote setting and the problems that initiated the conflict, it appears that the military presence was an extreme response to the situation. In addition, it was extraordinary that the arrival of 9 strangers from outside of the country would cause such a stir on the part of the military. Particularly surprising was the account of a military and paramilitary operation that tool place against the PRD members of the town on June 3rd, approximately 1 month before our arrival.
The story of June 3rd was on the lips of all of the people we saw on the 1st day of our visit. An interpretation of accounts of the day are this:
Ever since the arrival of the military, the community was aware that the military was in alliance with the 23 families of the PRI. Ever since the problems in the community transpired, men in the PRD began to take turns to watch over the community at the 2 entrances to the town in case of an attack. On June 3rd the community was warned that in the early morning army trucks were approaching the town. An announcement was made that everyone should gather in the zocalo (the park). In the only home with a telephone, a woman remained. Other people who stayed behind in the homes were the elderly.
The location of Graciela, the woman with the telephone was one of the first sites to be broken into. Graciela, who is also a women’s organizer in the community, was beaten up and arrested for resisting arrest. Her perception is that she was beaten and arrested because she tried to make contact outside of the community in an appeal for help.
The other women formed a peace chain to prevent the army from advancing on the rest of the population. The peace chain was not honored and the army broke through to advance into the community.
The entire town was rained upon with tear gas. Canisters were dropped from the sky by helicopters and airplanes. People described the sky as blackened by the amount of gases rained upon the community. There were 2 tanks positioned at the entrances to the village.
As people fled for cover back to their homes, another phase of the attack began. Masked men identified particular homes to the army. In a combined attack, the masked men, the army, and the judicial police broke into the homes. Gas canisters were thrown in. The residents were pushed around. Household items were broken and money was stolen.
The attack harmed only PRD families. We were told that the PRI families must have been forewarned of the attack because family members did not exit their homes when the alarm was sounded. However, victims of the attack on the homes recognized some of their attackers, in masks, as members of the local PRI families.
In total, 167 members of the PRD people were arrested. The charge was resisting arrest. Nineteen people remained under arrest orders. At the time of our visit, one month after the attack, and 6 campesinos remained in jail at an undisclosed location. Family members were not permitted to have the knowledge of the location of their loved ones.
The attack netted the masked intruders thousands of pesos stolen fronm each home they entered. The home that held the land title to the ejido was robbed and the title was also stolen. Two communities, initially taken away with the 167 arrested members of the community men were placed in a ditch and set on fire. One of the men escaped the flames, another was taken away with the other prisoners. Someone entered one of the 3 small churches in the community during the attack and the Holy Eucharist was taken from its vessel on the altar and thrown around on the floor.
Our visit to the community was immediately noted by the military stationed on the outskirts of the community, next to the school building. The streets of this small community had very little traffic, only early morning and late afternoon trucks back and forth to the fields. But since the military occupation, 2 ½ ton trucks with military and state police would patrol the streets during the day. These large trucks nearly filled the breadth of the streets. Soldiers or police would stand in the trucks with M-16s positioned in front of their bodies. We were told that our arrival had increased the number of times the trucks passed through the streets. From the time we arrived at our hostess's home, the trucks passed the site approximately every ten minutes. We had left our van and driver near the park area about 3 blocks from the home of our host. A community member informed us that the army was around the van asking the driver questions about our identities.
After about the 6th pass through the streets, the judicial police stopped at the home of our host and requested to speak to members of our group. We explained that we were visiting friends in the community by invitation. All of our documents were checked and the police left without incident.
The street patrols of the trucks ended until after dinner when our group decided to walk to the church that had been desecrated by the community. As we walked along, many community members spontaneously and curiously joined us. As we walked, the truck patrols with armed men again entered the streets. However, they did not obstruct our walk. Later in the night a band came to the home of our hostess and many people arrived. There was no liquor or other drug substances. The PRD community discourages the use of alcohol. Also the community appeared to have conservative family values and there appeared to be close supervision of the youth. Again, the truck patrols resumed, this time in the night. The headlights of the trucks were blinding so it was difficult to determine the numbers of men in the back and whether or not they carried arms.
Our group slept in 2 different locations, 2 homes that were guarded all night in the event that some sort of attack was planned by the military. Trucks did pass through the night but the Sunday morning broke without incident and there was no traffic in the streets.
Sunday in this community appeared to be a day for church or for the park. We walked to church, to a service that was predominately attended by the women and the children of the community. Some men were inside the church for the service but it appeared that a majority of them chose to remain outside, in the park across a street or on benches in the church plaza. Here they smoked cigarettes, relaxed and talked.
Interestingly, the community did not appear to be alarmed at the helicopter sound above the church during the worship service. The helicopter was identified by a member of our group (a Viet Nam veteran and former Secret Service agent) as a Huey 212.
After the worship service we were brought to the front room of our hostess’s home for a secretive discussion with 3 community leaders. They were very concerned about a message from a reliable source. The source informed PRD leaders that Jorge Perez, a PRD leader in the community had been accused the previous Thursday in Tuxla Guitterez of growing drugs. Apparently the informant wrote in a note that a videotape was entered as evidence of this illegal activity. According to the community leaders in the meeting, the accusation was totally false but they feared the consequences. They were also informed that 2 people, whose identities were not revealed, would be targeted for assassination.
At a large group meeting with community members (approximately 600 people inside the building, unknown numbers outside listening and looking through the windows) our good wishes were extended for the entire community. A group meeting was held where our presence was acknowledged and words of gratitude and hospitality were expressed on the part of the people. Women and men leaders were on the dias with our entire group.
After the community meeting, we walked back to the home of our hostess. We packed our things and a meal was prepared for us to eat before our departure. As we were eating, armed troops came to the front entrance and we were again requested to exit the building into the street. As we did this, one by one through the small door, photos were taken of each one of us. There were 2 photographers. One appeared to be the commander in chief of the army troops. The other photographer did not wear the uniform of either the judicial police or the army and did not take commands from any one. He was in a position with the head of the judicial police, the army commander in chief. He presented the most curious appearance since he had on military surplus attire and appeared to be a well-trained man with a very athletic physique. He refused to respond when directly spoken to by a member of our group. Also in position with these 3 were a leader of the PRI in Nicholas Ruiz and a young man taking notes who was identified as a representative from the municipio in Tuxla.
As we exited our hostess’s home we noted that photos were also taken of the home. Army troops stood at the ready on either side of us in the street. Vehicles were also parked in the street with additional troops.
Our documents were examined. We were also questioned as to what religious faith we practiced and asked if we discussed politics or religion to the people of the community. Our response was that we were merely there to find out about the well-being of our friends in this community. The head of the judicial police asked the community, who remained surrounding us, women and children who refused to be intimidated by the armed men and stood as if ready to protect us. The people there began to speak at once, they all knew us. We were then asked to leave the site with the military to go to another site to meet with the PRI members of the community in seclusion with them and also the representative form the municipio. The military and judicial police accompanied us on foot and in their vehicles, to the area of the park. There we waited for an indication of the place we were to meet and the troops slowly vacated the area.
We were escorted to a beverage warehouse across the street from the park. Here we sat with members of the PRI, men in one group and women in another. At first, they expressed their dissatisfaction that we did not meet with them before this time. One member of our group explained that we did not choose to meet with one group or another, but we greeted everyone who came to see us, in the streets, in the church, and at the fiesta the night before.
Basically, the PRI members were upset and angry. They stated that the community had turned its back on the PRI support (money) from the higher levels of government when they voted PRD members in power. The PRI group characterized the new power in the community as naïve of such things as the cost for pumps for water for the community. Without government support, pumps cannot be replaced and the water that the community enjoys will no longer exist.
This group did not discuss the events of June 3rd, the gases and the break-ins. They stated that the problem for the community was the land. They did not elaborate on what exactly the issues were. They did state that they feared for themselves and their families. They said that they had heard rumors that the PRD members had guns and would kill PRI members if given the chance. The men also stated that the PRD heard voices from the mountains, telling them what to do. They said that one of their homes had been destroyed by angry PRD members and the children from each side had become enemies and were shouting names at each other. One man actually began to weep. It appeared that there was a lot of stress and apprehension on this side of the community, as there was on the other.
The women’s group expressed anger, both in their words and their attitude towards our group. We attempted friendly gestures such as smiles and courtesy. But many of the women kept their arms folded across their bodies and refused any eye contact. They basically remained silent except on one issue: the activities of the women from the PRD.
The women from the PRI perceived the women of the PRD to be entering into the affairs that belonged to men only. The woman of the PRD were organized to express themselves in areas of governance, particularly the men’s meetings concerning issues around land. One woman was particularly singled out as a troublemaker. As a point of information, this was the same woman, the only woman in the community to be beaten by the military and put in jail for resisting arrest.
One other issue was cited by a young man at the meeting. He said that the church had become political and that politics did not belong in the church. He wanted us to agree with him, but we explained that we were only visiting the community to listen, not to comment.
Navil
Navil is a small community in the area of Tenehapa. Before our journey there, it was explained to us that Tenehapa was an area surrounded by the military and we may have difficulty getting to the community. Surprisingly, our journey did not require us to be detained by the immigration authorities, judicial police or the military. Our ride to Navil was uneventful.
In Navil, one can readily distinguish 2 communities both in geography and resources. The community that lives alongside a newly graveled road has homes that have undergone recent construction or renovation. New cinder blocks and mortar are evident in these homes which happen to be the homes of PRI members. The part of the community we visited was accessed by a steep dirt road. From the road we climbed up a path to the first home.
Upon hearing our arrival the residents, a grandmother and 2 children, fled the home. They then became aware that we were not a military group and came forward. We were then accompanied by 3 women, including the grandmother, and an 18 year-old boy, and a number of children.
Our arrival was unexpected which was surprising to us since visits to communities were planned in advance and communities were told of our impending arrival. It became clear however that there was confusion concerning the date of our arrival. Due to the confusion, many members of the 6 families were not present, but off working in fields.
We first arrived at a small, rough wood home with a rose bush planted and cared for near the front entrance. Laundry hung out on the porch. The women and the young man took us to their artisan common house and explained to us that this building, and other communal sites had been stripped of all goods by army troops, described as 60 truckloads of military, that arrived at the community on May 25th. The army dug up the floor of the artisan building, looking for weapons. They found none. They then took a young man from the community, pulled a mask over his head and forced him to hold a weapon. They then took pictures and told him that they had found their "Zapatista." In the artisan building, the troops also:
- Cut off the source of electricity
- Stole the community television set
- Stole all of the artisan supplies.
At the time of our visit, the artisan building was barren except for a couple of wooden benches. We then proceeded to the next building, a community kitchen. In this building everything was shattered, wooden benches and tables overturned and broken. The clay oven was shattered into small pieces. In addition to the destruction the army also:
- Cut off the electric
- Stole all of the food
- Carried away the community refrigerator
- Destroyed the community garden plot next to the kitchen area.
We then proceeded to the community’s supply house, described as a cooperativa, like a small store. Here the military:
- Burned the medicines
- Stole all of the supplies
- Burned a portion of the building interior.
Also on this date, the army robbed the homes in the community. In the chapel, the army questioned the people about the bishop. They asked if the people knew Bishop Don Samuel. They dug a large hole in the sacristy and accused the families of using that area of the church as a refuge for Zapatistas.
On June 2nd the Segurada Publico came to the community with 2 carloads of men. This time many in the community fled into the mountains. The grandmother who was with us injured her knee at this time. She was still suffering from the injury. She described the hardship of hiding in the woods with her grandchildren. They were 2 days and 1 night without food or shelter. The visit of the Public Security also led to the abuses. In the chapel the following articles were stolen:
- The Bible
- Baptismal certificates
- The Blessed Sacrament
- Articles of worship
In the homes, the public security :
- Stole money
- Took personal documents
- Cooking implements
- Farming implements
- Guitars
- They also broke the community water tank.
The community appeared to be desperate, but not hopeless. There did not appear to be a supply of food. A nursing mother had a crying baby at her breast. She was 30 years old and this was her 7th child. She clearly had no milk in her breasts. When we took the food for our lunches and gave it to the women, the children immediately began to eat and other children appeared, obviously hungry.
Analysis
The analysis of the neutral zone is an analysis of the entire neutral zone area. The 2 case studies are 2 individual communities in the "zone of conflict." Each of the case studies exhibits similarities. After a discussion of the case studies, common themes that exist amongst the communities in the neutral zones and the 2 communities in the zone of conflict will also be examined.
In the two case studies the communities are divided into 2 camps: the PRI and the PRD. In each case the military has found a reason to occupy the vicinity so that they can be quickly deployed. In the 1st case, the reason for the deployment was based on the fears of the small PRI group. In the 2nd case, the reason for the army occupation of the Tenehapa area was reports of stolen cars.
In each case in the zone of conflict, the military found cause to exercise military action. In the first case it was again based on the fears of the PRI group. In the 2nd case, the military was seeking out "Zapatista" rebels.
In each of the cases in the zone of conflict, the military actions were surprise attacks. In both cases, the churches were desecrated, with the stealing or destruction of the Blessed Sacrament. In each case, communal spaces are destroyed or threatened. In Nicholas Ruiz, the base is built next to the community school. In Navil, the communal spaces are sacked.
In both cases, there appears to be the total disregard for such acts of terror on families. It is women and children who are the major proportion of the communities that are attacked. Their welfare does not appear to be a consideration. In Nicholas Ruiz, women, children along with the campesino men were gassed. Women were pushed around in house to house destruction. One woman was beaten. In Navil, there is the terror of the presence of the military, but the destruction of the kitchen and the community’s medicine and food supplies had direct effects on entire families, including the women and children.
Many of the detrimental effects on the communities in the zone of conflict have long term potential. The disruption in the health and nutrition are clearly evident in the case study of Navil. Nicholas Ruiz also has the potential for similar problems if the conflict in that community is heightened. In Navil, even the implements that would allow that community to start over again were taken away. The army took cooking and farming implements that would severely impede that community’s ability to restore itself after the army’s destruction.
In the neutral zone, the circumstances are different. Here, the attacks are not as overt, they are more covert. This is true in the remunicipalization of the regions, the municipios, and also in the paramilitary activity which is more developed in this area. The attack on the economic front is happening as the federal government diverts money to PRI governing bodies as PRD governance receives none of these resources for community projects. Also in the neutral zone, the operation of the paramilitary takes responsibility for much of the more violent activities against the population. Similarities in all cases can be described in 3 points:
- The distribution of resources
- A military presence
- Paramilitary training
In addition, there is 1 factor that appears to be affecting both the neutral zone and the zone of conflict – drought and the resulting decrease in the food supply.
Distribution of resources in Chiapas
The Mexican Government faces serious challenges to its unique system of dictatorship through one party rule in the State of Chiapas. The lack of land reform and social welfare that addresses the needs of the majority population has led to the popularity of the PRD party. The Zapatista insurrection has heightened the political consciousness regarding the structural causes of social problems. The majority of the population has demonstrated its assertion of the need for change and its disenfranchisement from the federal government by voting for the PRD party in many communities.
The federal government has chosen to address the challenge with resources directed in such a way as to divide many communities. This has been a more difficult process in the neutral zone. Interestingly, the neutral zone is distinguished from the rest of the state by a historic and prolific number of "delegates of the word." These people serve a function within the Catholic Church. The church is representative of a progressive view of social problems and is perceived to be an anti- PRI due to its affiliation with the poor and the poor have a historic political consciousness in this area due to this affiliation. But it also appears that individual families are rewarded for PRI alliance and this is creating rifts in the neutral zone, particularly with the cattle ranchers.
The military presence
The role of the military within each community is the overwhelmingly devastating factor in the zone of conflict. There is the outright destruction of materials such as medicines, foods, kitchens and gardens, however the consequences of the military actions and coordinated police actions in these communities have far more reaching effects on the communities.
These far reaching effects have to do with the physical and psychological health of the communities the military comes in contact with. The location of a base near a school area is an example of an intimidating tactic that keeps a community in a state of fear. Work and life cannot efficiently coexist when the threat of violent action, such as the gas attack on Nicholas Ruiz, constantly keeps a community in a state of fear. One community reported that the military base near their location does military exercises in the middle of the night, with chants and threats shouted as part of their training exercise. In many communities in the zone of conflict overhead flights of helicopters and airplanes are reported as part of the new presence of the military.
The location of bases effectively intimidate communities to a state of fear. This state of fear disrupts work schedules in the fields, children’s education and even health care when as in the case of one community, a base is located near the health clinic.
The military, in effect, has declared a war on the Catholic Church in the region. The church, with its network for education and popular focus on the needs of the people is now perceived to be an enemy for the army. In this case the practice is to desecrate the church and harass church attendees with helicopters and soldiers.
In this case, the initial material destruction in the community may not be as significant as the daily fear tactics designed to disrupt community life. In this way, both the PRI and the PRD become victims as the community becomes less productive and more energy is expended on the internal strife.
Paramilitary training
The presence of paramilitary that is being developed within each community in both the neutral zone and the zone of conflict has increased with the continued military presence. Persons in the PRI are trained to act in violent ways within their respective communities as a solution to community tensions. Interestingly enough, community tensions are created around the government’s policies of redistribution of public resources to the PRI in what can be characterized as political pay-offs for cooperation. The presence of these groups, justified by the perceived problems created by the presence of an opposition party in what is effectively a one party system with long term effects. The long-term effects are directly connected to the future of the state and the entire Mexican nation in which the nation will remain an autocratic state with a one party system with only the semblance of democratic procedure.
However, democratic process is a minor concern when one examines the potentially lethal effects a paramilitary will have in each community. As the paramilitary operations are carried out increased opposition will produce a cycle of violence and destruction that will be difficult to stop. The major concern here is that the paramilitary training is the catalyst for genocide, retribution will seek retribution and neighbors will kill neighbors. The local people, whether PRI or PRD or EZLN will all suffer lethal consequences. If this is the case, the federal government is then implicated in the practice of genocide.
APPENDIX 1: COMMUNITY REPORTS
Moises Gandhi
January 8, 1998, the federal army entered the community of Moises Gandhi at 6 am and we, the women saw them entering. We gathered together rapidly. Thankfully, there is a gate at the entrance. We went there together to stop them from advancing further and we told them that we do not need the assassin people of the government. "Get out! Return! We don't want you! We don't need you!" We told them, "You are also poor and that includes your parents. You better return. Enough! Enough! Don't continue any more supporting the interests of your papa, the government. We ask you, why do you bring these weapons? We are not animals! We are indigenous people of Chiapas and we have the right to live!"
July Friendship Visit, overflight: Halfway through the sermon delivered by a second man, a ripple of outward consciousness passed through the church and the four delegates caught each others' glances acknowledging the sound of a helicopter. We slipped outside to try to photograph it but it was fairly high overhead. Companeros told us that sometimes they flew very low, buzzing the community. Every morning we were visited by a police helicopter, which circled the village, intimidating the local residents. Berto had told us that many people were afraid to go to work in the fields farthest from the town for fear of losing loved ones in a military attack. Beside the daily helicopter flyover, the last most direct violation we heard about at Moises Gandhi occurred on January 8 when the army creeped down the road toward the community in tanks. Women from the community stood in the road blocking their entry. During our visit, we saw singular soldiers from the base who frequently take their exercise on the road into Moises. They run in jogging shorts from their base to the front sign of the village and turn back. The military base and its complement of at least fifty soldiers and fifteen or more United States-made Hummers was so close that we could hear music from there at night. We were told that a house of prostitution operates just off the highway behind the base. Probably the most psychologically harrowing aspect of the presence of the army is the fact that the most direct way to pass in and out of Moises Gandhi to the main highway, in fact the only way for vehicles to pass, is through the military base with its checkpoint which straddles the road. Armed soldiers watch everyone as they go by. They do not stop everyone, but they stop many and they are armed with the capacity to do violence on anyone passing. This creates a very real climate of imprisonment and the daily threat of violence produces a great deal of mental stress for the people of Moises Gandhi. Their fears date back to February 9, 1995 when the Army violently entered communities around Ocosingo, Las Margaritas, and Altamirano.
July Friendship Visit About one hundred feet from the highway, a few uniformed personnel of the Mexican army, waved our van to stop. Speaking with our Mexican acompanante and translator seated in the front seat, the soldier in charge asked us where we were coming from, where we were going, and why. Then, they told us to all get out of the van and very briefly searched two of our backpacks. We explained that we were tourists. They allowed us to pass after a detention of approximately fifteen minutes during which time they wrote our names and passport numbers in a notebook.
On our way back to the Campamento, the soldiers and several plainclothed, men, all carrying machine guns, formed a double line across the road. One soldier grabbed Adalila's arm and another pushed David in the stomach. They detained us there for about thirty-five minutes. They questioned us, even going so far as to demand our home telephone numbers and place of employment. After writing down all of the information in our passports and tourist visas, they let us pass. Following our visit to Moises Gandhi, five of the group members and attorney Fred Rooney filed a complaint about their intimidation and humiliation by the army on July 6,1998.
July Friendship Visit The companero who came shortly afterwards appeared nervous to be speaking to such a large group and expressed to us the fears and stress of living surrounded by the military and being threatened on a daily basis with military violence. He said that the community of Moises Gandhi would greatly appreciate an international presence at its entrance to serve as a deterrent against the very real threat of a military action against the community. He explained that many of the people would be too afraid to speak to us about the situation in the community for two reasons: first, that some information could unwittingly be detrimental to the community and second, that individuals who might talk to us risked being singled out as Zapatista leaders.
July Friendship Visit One of the most serious problems in Moises Gandhi as in many communities of Chiapas, was the lack of potable water as the local streams have become polluted. A simple answer to at least this problem lies less than three kilometers up the road in a neighboring community. This community is not an autonomous community, has leadership loyal to the PRI, and has a plentiful supply of water. Leadership of that community are unwilling to allow the extension of the water system to include neighboring Moises Gandhi because, Magdalena explained to us, the government had paid off the neighboring community to not allow them access. Moises Gandhi draws water from one creek, which is cleaner than the others and stores it in a large cistern for the population's use. All that they need for potable water is seven meters of PVC pipe and a cooperative agreement with the neighboring community.
July Friendship Visit The ongoing drought is making things worse as the corn crop has been
seriously affected and the communities ability to feed itself is in jeopardy. The lack of rain forced the community to plant a second crop that may also, without sufficient water, not produce adequately.
July Friendship Visit The six-room building was constructed within the last year. First through sixth-grade students were taught in their native Tzeltal and in Spanish by indigenous teachers who came from outside the community. Berto told us that the teachers are paid by the Mexican government. The new building, basketball court, and adjoining student garden were a great improvement in the lives of the children who now longer had to crowd into the old house they had used previously. The mosquitoes had been a constant bother there and they had no tables or chairs. He pointed out a child care facility nearby for the pre-first grade youth, though he said that the youngest children didn't like to leave their mothers to go there. Berto told us that it was the hope of the community to build more houses around the school and that the community would grow in number in this valley.
San Pedro Guerrero
January 9, 1998 When 100 fully armed, combat ready soldiers entered the community around 2pm, this was not their first visit, although it was the first time they destroyed property, possessions, and physically harmed the people. On previous occasions, the army had entered without warning, fully armed and combat ready, intimidating and terrorizing by their presence and the potential of great danger. This time, however, it did much more than intimidate. It destroyed the house of our host. It also destroyed the interior of the small church and the health clinic. Most of the men had gone to the surrounding fields, leaving the women alone. Someone, wearing a ski mask, pointed out the house of the responsible to the soldiers. "The bad government keeps bothering us with the army. On January 9 the army came to our village and tore my house apart, tore it down, threw everything all over the place. All we are asking for is justice, and the military brings us prostitution." They began to beat the women with clubs, taking whatever they wanted, throwing everything else about. Somehow, finding strength from somewhere, the women grabbed sticks, anything they could get their hands on, and started fighting back. They eventually drove the army out to the next community, a PRI community.
July Friendship Visit "They bring in their planes and their tanks, harassing us so we’ll stop, but we won’t. We’re not going to go along with it. We aren’t afraid. We’re demanding dignity for everyone, not just us. The bad government is giving arms to some of us so we’ll fight each other, so it can then say it has to intervene. This is their way. The army comes and says, we are here to take care of you, but we don’t need them to take care of us."
July Friendship Visit "We ask for justice and the bad government says yes, but they don’t comply. When they signed the San Andres Accords it seems as though they were drunk because they’ve turned everything inside out. We kept giving them more time to comply but it didn’t happen. We negotiated everything, but now Zedillo wants to renegotiate. Now he’s sending the military everywhere. The government has an ear but doesn’t hear us. We’re farmers but the bad government treats us like dogs."
July Friendship Visit The crops in San Pedro Guerrero are corn, coffee and beans, but as in other communities the crops have suffered this year from drought, army incursions, and fear. While the army came in January, rumors are rampant that it will return and the people are frightened. They haven’t planted new crops because of the fear of traveling long distances to cultivate their far-off fields, and leaving their children alone. As a result, the corn harvest won’t be big enough this year to feed the community. The people are sick with fear while the military continues buzzing them with low-flying military aircraft.
July Friendship Visit "We want our children to study and learn to read, learn to count. I didn’t learn because when I should have gone to school they didn’t take us into account. We need to arm our children with words so they can speak for us. We are blind not knowing how to read. We want our children to learn so we can’t be deceived, so they can defend our rights."
July Friendship Visit "While this community is united, in others the government gives the PRIistas food and staples. So the PRIistas say, we can’t be against the government because it is helping us. Those poor people don’t understand they are only getting the crumbs. We are organized because we want to have this blessed earth for all time, in justice and in dignity. We are struggling for this so that our children can have a better life now and in the future. We want people to know how the bad government is treating us. We have no justice, we have no democracy. Instead we have fear and injustice. I really thank you for coming here. We want you to tell our story to others. We want you to tell the truth of our situation. We want our brothers and sisters on the other side of the world to know what’s happening to us."
Morelia
January 3, 1998 Army pressure is hard and harassment continues at Morelia. The army has tried at various times to enter the community. On day the army tried to enter and came back every day for a week, each day finding strong resistance from the women. They stood at the entrance of the community, defending it from the army each day it tried to enter. The women would take turns eating, resting, and defending. It was a very difficult time.
July Friendship Visit We asked about the possibility of military incursions, and were told "It is said that Morelia will be the next community to be attacked, it may be our turn now." Indeed, we witnessed overflights by fixed-winged planes at low altitudes and one helicopter at medium altitude while at Morelia. When we asked what might happen now that the army was training military women to face down the community women, we were told, "Whatever happens, our women will be there. But they are very tired because they always have to be on alert." Our host spoke proudly, but the worry was evident. When will they return, what day, what time...
July Friendship Visit Crops in the area have not done well this year. The drought severely wounded the coffee crop, the only crop that can bring cash into the community. "The weather has been beating us. We haven’t planted enough corn because the rain fell very late, and now the corn is just beginning. Who knows how this year will go? People haven’t planted beans because the rains came too late."
July Friendship Visit One of the things that struck us were the attempts by the Zapatistas of Morelia to find a way to avoid confrontations. Today, because so many of the younger Zapatistas have moved on to form new communities, there is a higher percentage of PRI in the community and divisiveness is a serious problem. An example of this is the sale of wood by some PRIistas without first asking permission of the community.
We began to stop the trucks transporting the wood, because we have rules about caring for the forest. The PRI became very angry. They began to beat up our men and women, some having to go to the San Carlos Hospital (in Altamorano). The PRIistas seem to want confrontations and problems, but we don’t want that, we know the government is behind this. Those of us who are organized called meetings to talk about how we could avoid confrontations, and we decided that for now the only way to avoid the provocations was to ignore them. It’s a very difficult issue for us.
When asked about the basketball court in the Aguascaliente, we were told by one of our hosts, smiling, "That’s for the kids." He pointed to the opposite hill and continued, "We play basketball with the PRIistas over there." We paused in our discussion, noticing a game in the works. "Yes, we play basketball with the PRIistas. Last week we had a tournament, and we won. We tell the PRIistas they can use the water at the Aguascaliente. Sometimes they come, sometimes they don’t." He shrugged his shoulders, again smiling.
These were some of the visible attempts we witnessed on the part of the Zapatistas to live together with their neighbors even as the PRIista families receive valuable presents from the government and the Zapatistas refuse them, preferring to build a future without help from the government.
July Friendship Visit The government is bringing in many projects to buy people off: giving out goods such as stoves, chickens, and even trucks to those who will accept them. As we were told, if people aren’t clear about the issues, they can be deceived through bribery. "According to Zedillo a lot of money is coming to Chiapas, but when it gets here, it’s used to divide the communities, not help them. Another election is coming in the fall, and with money some people will go along with the government. Some communities are being bought off, but others won’t go long with the bribery."
Jalisco
April, 1998 The army entered Jalisco in April and destroyed many homes. When the soldiers realized there were foreign observers there, they stopped. The observers wrote everything down and their document was published in the national and international press. When some of the people in the community went to the Morelia Aguascaliente to take a human rights course they noticed members of the military, dressed in civilian clothes, taking their pictures as they passed through the center of Morelia.
July Friendship Visit It took our young guide a quarter hour of gentle urging before the women finally began to speak. When they did it was as though entire lives of emotion began pouring out, tears streaming down their faces as they spoke of their fears, concerns, determination. They spoke of their worry over another army attack, how the stress and pain of having no food for their children was wearing them down, how hunger was tearing at their health and fear at the well-being of their families. The men and women spoke of their fear of leaving the town, of walking to their fields to cultivate their crops. They also spoke of how they understood this was part of their struggle, necessary in order to create a world where their children, and all children, could thrive. First the women spoke, then the men:
We can’t buy things we need. We are sick with fear because of the many planes always flying over our homes. I have pain in my legs, headaches. We are sick from the presence of the military. When our children see the airplanes, they get very scared. We can’t go very far away, can’t go to work, can’t go because we are too afraid. We don’t have beans or corn. When the fires came, they burned the corn and now we have no corn and now we won’t have any food. We have no medicine, no money to care for our sick children. Still the army comes. We have no money for soap, our children are sick with diarrhea. r men can’t work, they are afraid, they can’t leave our community because of the army. Everything is very expensive, beans, corn, flower, and we don’t have money to buy even the smallest things we need. We suffer a lot here, we don’t have water, we suffer from this. We are sick because we have so much fear of the army. Our families lack food. My husband and I are both sick, our whole family is sick from fear.
10 de Abril
April 13, 1998 When on April 13 the army invaded this unified community of about 150 families, they were again confronted by the women of the community. Standing in lines at the gates with their children, they blocked the entrance from the fully armed, terrifying soldiers. Tear gas canisters thrown behind the lines finally broke the barrier, women and children gasping in great breaths of gas, becoming sick, falling to the ground. Entering 10 de Abril that day, the soldiers found and expelled the peace camp observers. They robbed the village of precious tools and equipment. Men were beaten and houses were ransacked. It was the same horrifying story told again. Later in the day we talked to a young women with two children whose husband had been severely beaten by the military and who was still having trouble with his lungs as a result of exposure to the tear gas. Many children continue to suffer from the gas. She also observed how the soldiers sent to the village were themselves indigenous.
July Friendship Visit Another man showed us US made RIOT-CS tear gas canisters recovered after the army had withdrawn. "Oh yes," he said, "the army always tries to clean up the evidence. But they left 4 canisters." We sat there, looking at the evidence, contemplating the long reach from the North into one more of these incredibly beautiful communities where, amazingly, people live together in a collective manner outside our experience.
Nueva Esperanza
January, 1998 One day in January 1,500 fully armed soldiers rammed into the community, complete with assorted tanks, trucks and terrifying weapons. In four days they killed, cooked and ate the 50 hens tended by the women’s collective. In four days they killed, cooked and ate all the livestock. They used the church as their kitchen and dining room. They used the kitchen in one of the houses as their latrine. They threw gasoline on the recent, treasured corn harvest, burning it and with that action assured that each family would go hungry. When they withdrew after four days the community was left devastated. The people, frightened, stayed in the mountains for a month before coming back. When they finally returned, 22 families left, returning to their original communities, leaving 8 families.
Nicolas Ruiz
June 3, 1998 A group of campesinos arrived to talk to us, sitting in a circle in a large room, about 20 men and women. They talked about events of June 3 and surrounding events when military and judicial police attacked townspeople. During this meeting with the campesinos, a 2 ½ ton truck of military troops passed by the house every 10 minutes or so, about 14 passes. Before the meeting, one man showed us two spent teargas canisters used on June 3 [one whose markings were illegible, the other with these markings: 560 CS, Long Range Projectile, 150 years, Chemical Irritating Agent, To be used by law enforcement and correction personnel in riot control tactics, Hazard Class 1.4G, Manufactured at Federal Laboratories, Saltsburg, Pennsylvania, Can cause illness and death]. The group described the fear of the children, the resulting illness, said two babies almost died, spoke of an old man who had a heart attack, Graciela's hands, an abuelita with heart problems. Pueblo felt PRI group in town [a decided minority - large majority are PRD] were warned in advance, no ill effects suffered. The group used the words "aviones" and "helicopteros" to describe the way the canisters were launched from the sky: three methods, from the sky, tossed by hand, propelled by launchers. They said part of the PRD group had guarded the entrances to the town, saw lights from army trucks in early warning on June 3, and made an announcement that people should gather at the park. Graciela, who staffed the town's phone, and the ancianos stayed in their homes. Graciela, a leader of the women, was beaten by soldiers, said one of the abuelitas, because she tried to call out of the town for help. Teargas rained on everyone, in houses and in the park and streets: 167 were arrested for disobedience and resisting arrest. There were tanks at the two entrances of the village. Land titles of the homes of 19 people were stolen, people who are still under arrest orders. The troops were there
from 5:30 a.m. through the afternoon.
July Friendship Visit While we were walking the streets a large judicial police truck drove through the town, making its presence felt. Afterward there was a fiesta at Marguerita's house, dancing, bands, which lasted into early morning hours - the army and judicial police passed by the house twice during the fiesta, and four times afterwards during the night. The people said the judicial police makes rounds throughout each day and that the army passes through at least once daily. While we slept, several men from the PRD group guarded us, the combis and the two combi drivers. They told us that the men of the village divided themselves into groups of 50 to guard the town each night, after the June 3 operation.
July Friendship Visit During the meeting on July 4 with this group, the judicial police arrived
along with their regional commanders, checked our documents and asked why we were there. We said we were visiting friends in the communities by invitation.
July Friendship Visit We returned to Marguerita's house for dinner and to depart. During the meal, armed forces showed up, a group which included: one from Gobernación, one from Tuxtla, judicial police, the military, a PRI leader, one unidentified man, black pants and green windbreaker, who appeared well-trained and took photos of everyone but wouldn't speak to members of our group. Military trucks were at each of the street, trucks and jeeps of soldiers were in the park, and soldiers were stationed on foot on the streets, with weapons ready. The unidentified man disappeared after the confrontation, but caught the attention of team members as distinctive. The judicial police commander and military commander carefully examined team members documents, occasionally asking questions which were answered concisely. During this confrontation, women and children surrounded us from the rear - the military and judicial police asked of this group of women and children: "Who knows these people." They replied: "Everyone." The team
was asked why we hadn't visited the PRI faction, and the reply was that there was no invitation, that we responded to invitations from friends for the visit and that we were willing to talk to the two sides [an invitation would have sufficed, the troops weren't necessary]. The military escorted the team to the PRI beer warehouse [apparently alcohol use had dropped sharply in the majority community of PRD members] where we met with about 30 people, men and women, [including one unidentified person who took notes and had been with the military and judicial police on the street, also taking notes].
July Friendship Visit It was said that the military, the judicial police, guardias blancas and the PRI worked together. It was mentioned the PRI helped by pointing out which houses PRI lived in, masked people.
July Friendship Visit The next day, July 5, Sunday, we went to the church of San Diego for mass. At least one helicopter passed overhead - a Huey 212, recognized by a Vietnam veteran from our contingent, Larry Richard. He said the arms from the military and judicial police were AR-15s and modified M-16s, and that modified 6.5 mm. ammunition was used.
Navil
May 25, 1998 We first went to the artisans' common house, where events of May 25 were described, when 60 army truckloads of soldiers came up the hill, entered the community and caused great damage. In the artisan house, the military cut the electric, stole a TV, stole artisan supplies, dug a hole in the corner where they said they found arms. In this building, they took a young man from the community, put a mask over his head, a gun in his hand, and took photos. In the communal kitchen and dining area, the army shattered everything, cut the electric, stole all the food, a refrigerator and destroyed the cooking area. Outside, they destroyed the communal garden. In the cooperative supply house, the military burned community medicine supplies and other goods inside the building, stole other contents, and left part of the building scorched by fire. In the chapel, a large hole was dug in the sacristy [arms, drugs - the location where the visiting priest would sleep], asked people if they knew Bishop Samuel Ruiz. Also many homes were robbed by the military.
June 2, 1998 Two carloads from Seguridad Publica arrived; six families fled into the mountains. The police went into the chapel and took: the bible; baptismal certificates, the Blessed Sacrament; articles of worship. In homes, the judicial police took: money (about 5,000 pesos), personal documents, cooking implements, farming implements, guitars, broke the water tank, dug a hole in the sacristy looking for arms.
July Friendship Visit During our visit to Navil on July 7th and 8th, we witnessed the immense destruction of personal and communal property caused by the Mexican Federal army, state police, and PGR on May 25th and June 2nd of 1998. Here is a list of what we witnessed:
Garden: the army said the community was growing cocaine and marijuana (we saw cilantro) and left the garden in disarray.
Kitchen: the army broke all the tables, cut down all light installations and electrical wires, broke the door. Now there is no communal place to eat.
Supplies: the army stole the rice and other staples from the bodega, now empty. The
refrigerator was stolen as well.
The 6 families whose property was destroyed were in the village when the army entered the first time (May 25), but they fled into the mountains the second time (June 2).
They don't have a health official (un promodor de salud). Instead, they have some people who know a bit about medicine and give out pills. Some know about medicinal plants.
Communal Bathroom: the army broke apart the toilet and washroom, loosened boards
allegedly to look for arms, stole one of two water tanks and broke the remaining one.
Medicine: the army took about 1 and 1/2 tons of medicine and burned the rest. Now there is no medicine. In addition to a color television taken from another building, they stole a black-and-white television from the medicine supply room.
Artesania: all wooden looms and materials were stolen.
Houses: they were left in complete disarray; property was smashed and electrical installations were broken.
Comedor: broken plates and wrecked door appeared to be left by the army as testimony in the eating room of the chapel.
La hermita: ransacked. The caravans that came after the military incursions fixed up the church. The army stole one of the New Testament books in Tzetzal as well as the vestments and sacraments. On June 2nd, when the people left, the state police stole the Eucharist. In the room adjoining the chapel, they dug a hole (presumably looking for arms) and left the door open.
The families who fled into the mountains on June 2nd stayed for six (6) days (Tuesday, June 2 through Sunday, June 7). They did not return until they saw the caravans. They reported that, if they had not seen the caravans, they would not have returned. Many women and children fell ill while in the mountains.
July Friendship Visit We observed hunger and poverty, bad teeth, a women, Juanita, who had no milk to nurse her infant. Community members also said children were unable attend the school below because they were constantly taunted as being "Zapatistas."
Taniperla
April 11, 1998 Two women and a young man testified as to the events of April 11, 1998. In summary, we were told that: On April 10, 1998, the rebel municipality of Ricardo Flores Magón declared its autonomy. A celebration was held in Taniperla, the cabecera, or administrative center, of the new municipality. The community was attacked early the following morning by police, military and paramilitary forces. In the attack, the combined forces arrested eight zapatista supporters, destroyed community buildings and documents, and robbed stores and homes. Eleven international observers were deported. Zapatista men from the community were forced to flee to the mountains, leaving behind their families. Immediately thereafter, the military occupied the region and began to harass and intimidate the community. The women were afraid to leave their homes, even to get water. We were told that all they want is to live in peace, without the military and state police occupying their community.
July Friendship Visit Our route took us past permanent military installations in Toniná and Ocosingo. The vast, upscale facilities of Cartel 39 abut the ancient Mayan pyramids and burial grounds of the Zona Arquiológica Toniná, a sacred site the indigenous community has claimed as its own. Initial construction followed the 1994 uprising, and significant expansion is underway today.
July Friendship Visit To visit the "PRIistas," we had to cross a militarized buffer zone. The bases de operaciones mixtas, or mixed operation forces, occupy the community’s elementary school and health clinic, which are protected behind rolls of cortina wire. As we approached the PRIista community we were stopped by three men from the base, one in the green uniform of the federal army, one in the navy blue of the seguridad publica. The third one, wearing shiny black shorts and a tank top, did all the talking, never bothering to identify himself or his affiliation. He tried to convince us that we were unwanted there.
Chavajeval
June 10, 1998 The purpose of the indigenous ceremony was to rid the community of the evil spirits brought by the June 10 invasion by the Mexican military, Judicial Police, Security Police and Guardias Blancas. It was also to serve as a healing process for the families and friends of the men who were murdered by the invaders by restoring good spirit to the area. After the ceremony, which included, speeches, chants, and music, we we’re invited to meet with community leaders who witnessed the invasion. The indigenous men in their limited Spanish described in detail the course of events. They were harassed by the Security Police for weeks leading up to the invasion. Their location made it possible to spot the movement of army tanks, trucks and troops as they approached their autonomous community the morning of the attack. A group of Zapatista women tried to block the entrance but were forced to run when the Mexican military fired tear gas and live ammunition at them. A group of Mexican infantry soldiers chased indigenous men through the woods capturing and killing three. Sixteen men who did not flee from their homes were captured and taken to the Cerro Hueco prison. As of this date, they have not been released. Soldiers destroyed all the personal belongings of the people including clothes. They stole radios, televisions, and tape recorders. All of their farm tools were stolen. Their food was eaten and the remaining livestock was killed. All their tortillas were trampled on by soldiers. Money totaling $13 million pesos were stolen from private homes. Gunfire could be heard until 13:30 in the afternoon.
July Friendship Visit In this community the people have been living in fear, poverty. They are deprived of good nutrition, healthcare and education. They seem to live in uncertainty, not knowing why they were attacked by the government led military troops. Shell shock is a condition of these innocent people. You could see it in the eyes of the elderly, as well as, the children. The unnatural, brutal deaths of their friends and family leaves them scared. Nevertheless, they are trying to restore their community back to normal. A hard task, when they are constantly being harassed by military helicopters, gun wielding Security Police and paramilitaries.
Union Progreso
June 10,1998 The next day we traveled to the community of Union Progreso, a large collective farm not far from the town of El Bosque, and part of the autonomous municipality of San Juan de la Libertad. Union Progreso was the site of the other five murders on June 10. The people there who spoke to us vividly described a massive invasion that forced women and children to flee into the mountains for fear of rape. The men were harassed and accused of supporting the Zapatista Army with weapons, bullets and equipment. With this as a justification, they physically tormented the men, ransacked their homes and property and stole their personal belongings. They brought two men from the nearby Los Platanos communities help single out villagers suspected of murdering PRIistas. These men were interrogated and physically abused by the invaders. Some were forced to lay face down on the ground while soldiers walked on them. One man was gagged and bridled like a horse while a soldier mounted him. This pretense let to the abduction of five members of the community. The five were never seen alive again. Their grotesquely mutilated bodies were brought back several days later to the horror of the villagers. One of the corpses was filled with maggots and badly decomposed. This turned out to be yet another form of psychological warfare used by the Mexican government as a form of torture and intimidation that scars the community.
La Garrucha
June 24, 1998 Militarization: A lot of human rights violations. On 6/24/98, Day of San Juan, during their fiesta, they heard a gun shot coming from a house. Two people went to investigate, and found that no one was in the house that night. They believe that the military wanted to make it look like the shots came from the house. The soldiers do not respect the land they use, which is part of the community’s land. They contaminate the rivers with waste, and throw away their plastics, which the animals eat and die from. When the people asked them not to do things like this to the animals, the soldiers said they don’t care. The army does not respect any of the land. The army is the whole problem. It is quiet now because observers are here. When the military cannot find guns on people, they take people, tie them up, plant guns on them and take pictures and videos.
July Friendship Visit At 2:24pm on July 4, the day we arrived, six military trucks filled with soldiers went by. They knew we were there. When they went by, a peace-worker ran to the front to make her presence known. There were also three overflights that day.
July Friendship Visit On the dirt road to La Garrucha, we encountered about 30 soldiers, all in uniform and carrying automatic weapons. Some uniforms were shredded to camouflage with leaves, and some faces were painted very carefully with a few different shades. Our impression was that this was a Special Forces troop. They checked ID’s and looked through only a few bags.
Patihuitz
February 11, 1998 Women cannot work because they are afraid to go to the fields. The military harasses them and threatens rape. The army is the problem. The people are scared because the army is well armed, while they only have machetes. The army started being based right there on Feb. 11, 1995. Patihuitz has been there for 90 years. Soldiers threw garbage into a hole to draw in animals who could not get out, so they died in there. Also, the barbed wire cuts their paws and they bleed to death.
April, 1998 Every night of April 1998, helicopters flew over between 2 and 4 AM for an hour and ½ at a time. Now they circle for about 10 – 20 minutes two or three times a day.
Roberto Barrios
February, 1996 "The military camp at the opposite side of the river to the ejido entrance, is located on land belonging to a PRI rancher. The Mexican military established the camp there in February, 1996, without his permission, and he wishes the ejido could get the camp moved. In fact the army came looking for a confrontation in Roberto Barrios. They contaminate our river, our informants said. They kill a dog and throw it in the water we use for bathing and washing clothes. Sometimes they ask us, our informants said, ‘Where are you from?’ Where else could we be from? It is we who should ask them, Where are you from?"
March 14, 1998 They spoke of the assassination of their companion, Trinidad Cruz Perez, critically wounded en route home from the town of Palenque the past March 14 . He suffered a beating and head injury by machete after he was dragged off a bus at Rancho San Miguel Arimatea by five PRI members. He died the next day in the Villahermosa, Tabasco, hospital. Before his burial March 16 a meeting of ejidal authorities and all inhabitants of Roberto Barrios, including representatives of the EZLN, PRI and the organization Xi’Nich decided to expel the two authors of the killing as well as the father of one of them and their respective families. There was no desire for vengeance, but only to curtail further acts of violence that these men were fomenting in the ejido. Even the PRI representatives were in agreement. Denouncements of the death of Trini were made to Enlace Civil, Fray Bartolome de Las Casas Human Rights center, and to public ministry. There were witnesses who went to the court house in Playas Catazaja, and five persons were arrested . A week later three were freed. One was tried, and he’ll get off. All five of them will be eventually liberated. They have families and land parcels here and they will return and it will be difficult for the village. The ones who killed were of the paramilitary group Paz y Justicia. PRI authorities were in agreement with the killing. The assassins are free to return to assassinate again, while the innocent will be punished. Authorities promised a pension to Trini’s family, but their words are still unfulfilled. What did happen is that the authorities were changed so that people cannot make further appeals.
July Friendship Visit It is difficult for men to go to the field, working all day in fear for the well being of their families. The village can’t be left alone; always someone must be left in charge At times public security wants to enter. We didn’t let the police in after the killing. We must endure and move forward; we can’t get worn down.
July Friendship Visit We looked out on the plank bleachers inserted between the natural rockiness of the area, while leaders spoke of the drought that had affected their lives since the previous year, cutting out the possibility of seed for next year’s bean planting. Beans that had been three to five pesos a kilo are now ten or twelve; corn that had been one to two pesos a cuartillo is now two and one-half and will rise to three or four. Though perhaps in the jungle and highlands the fires were purposely started as part of the low intensity warfare, they judged that the fires in their area resulted from fires that went out of control in the slash and burn method of preparing the land for planting. They lost the February bean crop; the corn planted now is doing poorly.
La Realidad
July Friendship Visit Concerning militarization:
* the community is corralled and trapped as it is surrounded by the army
* the community members do not feel that they can safely leave
* those who do leave are carefully searched and/or harassed by the army
* how much work (e.g., tilling of fields) they can accomplish is seriously impeded due the constant military threat
* the military presence is not for their protection, but instead functions to keep them contained and to hold foreigners and other nationals out (we cannot be more emphatic about this)
* they live with the general expectancy that they will be attacked by the army any day (and they heard rumors that there is an impending attack)
* we observed the following aerial surveillance:
+ July 4th: five (5) helicopter flights at 2:22 pm, 2:26 pm (this one flew extremely low), 2:30 pm, 2:35 pm, and 2:37 pm
+ July 5th: two (2) small white planes flew over (one at 9:22 am and another at 11:10
am) and 1 helicopter (at 1:58 am) circled the community four times
* we heard stories about the military incursion of Jan. 3, 1998 when 15 vehicles including tanks entered the community. We saw photographs documenting this event.
* on June 5 at 7:40 pm there were reports that two (2) soldiers had entered the community.
* we were informed that military vehicles drive through the community on a regular basis.
Oventic
July Friendship Visit As we concluded the meeting, the droning sound of an airplane could be heard outside. Julio, our guide rushed to check it out reporting that it was a Security Police plane circling up ahead. A member of our group recognized it as a surveillance plane because of the large square tinted window on the bottom of the fuselage. It made a total of about six passes before disappearing into the horizon.
July Friendship Visit That experience was very instructive for us as people wanting to know how the people who live there deal with the presence of some 70,000 troops hostile to indigenous self-determination. The speculation, the incessant work to get good information about who is out on the roads doing what, the questioning of every move you make, the uncertainty of whether you've made a mistake that may come back to haunt someone else days or weeks later . . . these are the hallmarks of the psychological warfare that the Mexican government is waging in Chiapas. They don't have to assault all the people; they don't have to shoot up every community. They just have to do enough to make sure that the threat is real. They don't have to have permanent roadblocks; indeed such things could become too routine. So they move them around, set them up at different times, keep people guessing. Fewer resources are expended that way, and a cheap but effective terror is generated. This ability to exhaust people with the possibility of unwarranted harassment is a formidable obstacle to organizing and just living with a sense of normalcy. It's a bloodless brutality.
Chilon, Bachajon
July Friendship Visit To and from Chilon-Bachajon, the team passed through a military checkpoint - on arrival, the military had just taken a break for some reason, probably lunch - on departure, the military stopped the vehicle briefly and let it pass.
Real, Monte Libano
July Friendship Visit We encountered military checkpoints at Real and Monte Líbano. In both cases, the military violated Mexican law by requesting and recording information from our travel documents. At Monte Líbano the troops also photographed the group and the vehicle’s license plate. While the ostensible purpose of these checkpoints, marked clearly on roadside signs, is to enforce the law of firearms and explosives, no attempt was made to search our vehicle or our bodies for firearms or explosives. We were, however, asked by the military whether we planned to do any type of investigation. Our experience would indicate that the true purpose of these roadblocks is to regulate the movement of Mexicans and foreigners, even though the Mexican constitution guarantees freedom of transit to nationals and visitors alike.
Nuevo Merida
January 31, 1997 At a general assembly with their ejidal commissioner and municipal agents on January 31, 1997, four persons of the Agua Blanca community were jailed. In their 24 hours in jail, no one was allowed to care for their food or other needs. The guards were armed. According to one version, they were finally freed by companions at daylight on February 2, but that only sharpened the problem. That night and the following night members of PRI began to shoot in the streets, precisely to instill fear.
February 4, 1997 And so, on February 4, 165 persons (22 families) left, traveling variously through Paraiso, San Antonio, Robert Barrios, and finally settling in Nuevo Merida.. They asked to form a section, and made an accord with the new ejido. On December 1 they began to construct homes on a parcel of land adjoining Nuevo Merida, a task they completed on December 12 and the next day they began living there.
February 24, 1998 Then, after being warned by a companion of Agua Blanca on February 24, 1998, they had time only to hide a few clothes before the arrival of 26 public security agents and 10 members of PRI. Both groups were uniformed and armed. The invaders ate some of their food and scattered some on the ground, but otherwise did not damage their houses or fields. They were fearful to return to the same site, returning to Nuevo Merida for safety. Since about May 28 they are in their present location, renting a parcel of land adjoining Nuevo Merida as their homesite. They are in the process of constructing their chapel, and have a parcel of rented land from Nuevo Merida to do some planting. Of the 22 families who originally left Agua Blanca, 16 ejidatarios (farmers) still form part of this displaced community. Others have gone elsewhere. The homes they had had in Agua Blanca were of redwood, but they are told that residents of their former community are dismantling them for their own use of materials. A great concern is their ejido land, since the law states that a farmer who does not cultivate his land for a year loses the right to it and it may be distributed to others. (Agua Blanca is about one and one-half hours on foot from Nuevo Merida.) In May a delegation from the displaced went to the capital for a protection order so that, even if the people must live outside their village, they can cultivate their land. But the order for protection keeps getting stopped.
El Bosque
July Friendship Visit The next day we drove to El Bosque, where our plans changed due to the ever-changing political climate of the area. According to our guide, the central part of town was occupied by the PRI backed Security Police.
Palenque
July Friendship Visit Though official documentation is lacking, the committee analyzed that the crop loss is 95 per cent; recovery of the land will take 20 years; and there is a connection between the dryness and the fires. Another reason is the low intensity warfare. There is a growing consciousness that the struggle is over the land, which the government wants to control. There is consciousness, then , that the enemy is from the outside, even though it is difficult not to lose focus because of the divisions within the ejidos. The two problems facing the people from July through October are in the areas of conflict and of the economy. There will be famine within the area in three months. Generally each ejido farmer in Chiapas is allotted about 20 hectares of land, of which some 30 to 40 per cent is cultivable. In Palenque, about four or five powerful families own most of the good land, which is used for grazing. Land invasions by peasant farmers lack official approval and never solved individual problems here as the military drives squatters off. In fact the government has deceived both sides in these situations, promising that if the invaders pay half the price to the larger landowner, the government would pay the other half, but neither side has gotten paid.
Simojovel
July Friendship Visit We met with Ysidro, one of the directors of the school, who described the history and current status of the project. He told us that the government was not providing the education the communities requested, instead sending unprofessional teachers who taught only in Spanish. He said that the government system didn’t accommodate their reality, such as a fifteen-year-old, who due to poor nutrition, may be slow in learning and need to remain in primary school. La Escuela Primaria y Secondaria de Resistencia was established in 1985 with the goals of rescuing the indigenous culture and preserving the Tzotzil language and today serves 60 pre-schoolers, 180 primary school students and 20 high school students, offering seven inter-cultural degrees. They also provide adult education to counter the high degree of illiteracy in the community. Long-term plans include the founding of an indigenous-controlled university for the Tzotzil people. The school system, which accepts no financial support from the Mexican government, is based on the educational philosophy of Paolo Friere. The education is free to all students, and the twelve multi-lingual teachers receive no monetary compensation; instead, members of the community provide the educators with all needed goods and services. The schools are part of a regional network of indigenous-led educational institutions, serving 50 Tzotzil, Chol and Tzeltal communities. They decide on programs with other communities, divided into departments by language. Each language has a coordinator, and there is an oversight board that coordinates all the schools in Chiapas. Their programs are designed not only to perpetuate the indigenous customs and languages, but also to create literacy in Spanish and English. These schools are badly in need of financial and material assistance—everything from human resources (specifically English teachers) to tools, schoolbooks, and writing supplies. Ysidro complained that while many organizations have promised financial assistance, relatively few have followed through with funding.
Colonia Virginia
July Friendship Visit In the neighboring village of Colonia Virginia (PRI community), we found a number of things that were lacking in Moises Gandhi. There was a clean and well-used system of potable water and irrigation drawing from an abundant supply of fresh water. We found a store, a large primary school, and a three-room secondary school. Another glaring difference between the neighboring Colonia Virginia which is PRIista and Moises Gandhi was that community's freedom from a military presence.
APPENDIX 2: MSN SUMMARY POINTS OF COMMUNITY REPORTS
CONCLUSIONS
- The Mexican army is waging civilian-targeted warfare (also known as low intensity warfare). The military has destroyed houses, churches and community buildings, confiscated medical supplies, burned crops and forests, frightened farmers into abandoning their fields, introduced drugs and prostitution into the communities, and generally terrorized indigenous communities that identify themselves as Zapatista sympathizers. The military often occupies land adjacent to adjacent to communities identified as sympathetic to the Zapatistas, and uses this close proximity to terrorize the communities. There is a constant military presence in and around these communities.
- The Mexican army often assumes roles that are reserved under Mexican law for immigration officials. Military personnel often staff road blocks and demand identification of foreigners in direct violation of Mexican laws.
- Local PRI authorities and paramilitaries work closely with military forces to terrorize communities that identify themselves as Zapatista sympathizers.
- United States supplied military equipment is used almost exclusively by the Mexican military and the paramilitary forces.
- There is widespread fear in indigenous communities resulting in psychological problems.
- There is a lack of confidence in the government among most indigenous communities.
- Malnutrition and accompanying health problems are widespread. Food supplies are dwindling rapidly and are not expected to be replenished until at least February of 1999. Access to potable water is a serious problem that contributes to a generally deteriorating health profile.
- Education is a priority among indigenous families, especially for young people. Educational opportunities for young Indians are mainly found in communities that support the ruling PRI party.
- The Mexican government rewards indigenous supporters of the ruling PRI party with food, supplies, schools, etc., and punishes all others by withholding these supplies.
- In 1998, the army has invaded dozens of communities, often destroying homes and crops, and beating civilians:
